Florida Republican Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen Traveling to Honduras
Congresswoman's Trip Flouts the Obama Administration's Stance Toward the Nation
In this file photo, soldiers arrest and beat a supporter of ousted Honduran President Manuel Zelaya... 
(STR/AFP/Getty Images)
Ros-Lehtinen plans to meet with Roberto Micheletti, the de facto Honduras regime's president, members of his government, Cardinal Oscar Andres Rodriguez, representative of Honduran community groups and American business leaders living in the Central American country.
Zelaya -- holed up in the Brazilian embassy in Tegucigalpa, Honduras, after sneaking into the country earlier this month despite a threat he'd be arrested -- is not on the list of leaders Ros-Lehtinen will visit.
U.S. open his hatred of Zelaya and entangles the OAS
Headlines for September 28, 2009
Honduran Coup Regime Imposes Media, Protest Crackdown
The Honduran coup regime has intensified its grip on power in the face of growing pressure for restoring the elected President Manuel Zelaya. On Sunday, coup leaders issued a decree granting themselves broad authority to clamp down on free speech. Under the new rules, the regime can ban protests and suspend media outlets found to have committed “disturbances of the peace.” Meanwhile, the regime also refused entry to a delegation from the Organization of American States that had come to seek a negotiated solution to the crisis. Speaking from his hideout in the Brazilian embassy, Zelaya called for a massive national protest against the coup regime.Honduran President Manuel Zelaya: “Today is the day in which we call for peaceful resistance, for demonstrations for twenty-four continuous hours. You, my dear Hondurans, can’t lose your rights because someone, or a coup, restricts public liberties, violates human rights, murders and detains.”Zelaya has remained in the Brazilian embassy since defiantly returning to Honduras one week ago. Coup leaders have now given Brazil a ten-day deadline to hand over Zelaya or face the embassy’s closure. Brazil has rejected the ultimatum and says Zelaya will stay as long as he needs. The coup regime issued the threat as its soldiers continued to surround the embassy and limit the delivery of supplies. On Friday, the UN Security Council passed a resolution condemning the embassy siege.
UN Ambassador Susan Rice: “They condemned acts of intimidation against the Brazilian embassy and called upon the de facto government of Honduras to cease harassing the Brazilian embassy and to provide all necessary utilities and services, including water, electricity, food and continuity of communications.”
Although Zelaya called from the very start for peaceful demonstrations (he only reaffirmed what the Resistance Front Against the Coup had already decided from day 1, ie- Peaceful Resistance), he was still scorned by U.S. figures, as if he had at any moment incited to violence ("Restitution or Death" is a Resistance Slogan we use, but it does not call for violence)
Washington. Washington. Agencia AFP. AFP. | 29 septiembre del 2009 | September 29, 2009The return of deposed Honduran president Manuel Zelaya to his country was "irresponsible and stupid", said Monday the United States Alternate Representative to the OAS, Lewis Amselem, during a debate that resulted in a disagreement over how to judge the de facto regime .
"The return of President Zelaya of Honduras is irresponsible and stupid and serves neither the interests of his people or those who seek the peaceful restoration of democratic order in Honduras," said Amselem during a special session of the OAS Permanent Council.
The 33 countries of the OAS met urgently to discuss the situation following the declaration of martial law in the Central American country, and to condemn the expulsion of four of its senior officials who were not accepted on arrival at the airport in Tegucigalpa .
However, the Council showed its internal division and was not able to make a joint statement after more than ten hours of debate.
Only the Secretary General Jose Miguel Insulza, and President of the Council, the Chilean representative Pedro Oyarce, drew a modest joint statement reaffirming their decision to "continue making all efforts towards finding a peaceful solution."
Only the Secretary General Jose Miguel Insulza, and President of the Council, the Chilean representative Pedro Oyarce, drew a modest joint statement reaffirming their decision to "continue making all efforts towards finding a peaceful solution."
Earlier, the de facto regime, which had declared martial law in Honduras, said he was prepared to lift it after pressure from the international community, and also to welcome the diplomatic mission on Sunday rejected.
The ousted president and refuge for a week in precarious conditions in the Brazilian embassy in Tegucigalpa "should stop acting as if in an old Woody Allen movie," came to broach the U.S. diplomat.
"Those who facilitated the return of President Zelaya had a special responsibility to prevent violence," he said then, without giving details.
One of the interventions that caused controversy at the Council of Amselem, who carried out strongly against Zelaya. "He should exercise leadership and ask their supporters to express their views peacefully," said Amselem.
The ousted president and refuge for a week in precarious conditions in the Brazilian embassy in Tegucigalpa "should stop acting as if in an old Woody Allen movie," came to broach the U.S. diplomat.
"Those who facilitated the return of President Zelaya had a special responsibility to prevent violence," he said then, without giving details.
Zelaya entered secretely Honduras on Monday, without any known exact detail of the operation.
A State Department spokesman, Philip Crowley, did not respond directly when asked later by the AFP on these statements by the alternate representative. 'HeZelaya) is there." In that sense there is an opportunity for dialogue. We hope all parties will seize that opportunity, "he said.
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton expressed last week hope that the return of Zelaya was a "chance" for a peaceful solution to the crisis.
"Now that President Zelaya returned, it would be appropriate to restore his position" and "go ahead with elections scheduled for November," Clinton said in New York after meeting with the chief mediator in the crisis, Costa Rican President Oscar Arias.
The OAS Secretary General Jose Miguel Insulza, also declined to comment at a press conference on these statements by U.S. representative.
A State Department spokesman, Philip Crowley, did not respond directly when asked later by the AFP on these statements by the alternate representative. 'HeZelaya) is there." In that sense there is an opportunity for dialogue. We hope all parties will seize that opportunity, "he said.
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton expressed last week hope that the return of Zelaya was a "chance" for a peaceful solution to the crisis.
"Now that President Zelaya returned, it would be appropriate to restore his position" and "go ahead with elections scheduled for November," Clinton said in New York after meeting with the chief mediator in the crisis, Costa Rican President Oscar Arias.
The OAS Secretary General Jose Miguel Insulza, also declined to comment at a press conference on these statements by U.S. representative.
"What I know is what Secretary of State said: that (the return of Zelaya) can cause tensions but it is also an opportunity," Insulza said during a break from the Permanent Council.
The charge d'affaires at the Honduran Embassy in Washington, Eduardo Reina, appointed last month by Zelaya as official ambassador was present in the courtroom of the OAS Permanent Council when Amselem spoke.
The charge d'affaires, not yet being accepted as new ambassador to Honduras by the State Department, told reporters he would seek explanations from the U.S. government.
OAS without agreement
The Permanent Council of the Organization of American States, after more than 10 hours of stay in intensive discussions, did not reach agreement on whether or not the Honduran presidential candidate prevails in the general election due in November by de facto government.
The charge d'affaires at the Honduran Embassy in Washington, Eduardo Reina, appointed last month by Zelaya as official ambassador was present in the courtroom of the OAS Permanent Council when Amselem spoke.
"We do not share those views. I do not think he(Anselem) has the entitlement to confirm who has violated the rights in the crisis, "Reina told reporters then.
The charge d'affaires, not yet being accepted as new ambassador to Honduras by the State Department, told reporters he would seek explanations from the U.S. government.
OAS without agreement
The Permanent Council of the Organization of American States, after more than 10 hours of stay in intensive discussions, did not reach agreement on whether or not the Honduran presidential candidate prevails in the general election due in November by de facto government.
After the meeting, the agency read a statement "short and plain" to the press. The text of the statement was not adopted deploring the decision of the de facto authorities in Honduras to prevent entry to the country of the OAS commission sent to Tegucigalpa.
. It also demanded guarantees for the life of President Zelaya and officials of the Brazilian Embassy in Tegucigalpa where he is staying. En este aspecto, todos los países coincidieron en aceptarlo. In this regard, all countries agreed to accept.. It called for rejection of an election to occur outside the constitutional framework and until these guarantees are fully restored.
At the OAS meeting disagreements prevailed whether to recognize or not the presidential candidate who wins the general election scheduled by the de facto government for 29 November, or on language condemning the coup regime Honduras.
Countries like USA, Canada, Bahamas, Costa Rica and Peru abstained from determining what their position on the November election results is, if the de facto government continues and it is this that gives the power unconstitutionally to a chosen candidate.
Both the chairman of the hemispheric system, Pedro Oyarce, as the Secretary General Jose Miguel Insulza, reported a joint statement does not cover the Council in that "demand respect for the inviolability" of diplomatic embassies in the country, in reference particularly that of Brazil, which hosted the Constitutional President Manuel Zelaya, from Monday 21 September.
Oyarce and Insulza reaffirmed "its decision to continue making all efforts towards finding a peaceful solution to the crisis in Honduras," the statement circulated to the press.
The Council meeting was convened in an extraordinary way after the expulsion of three officials of the Organization of American States (OAS) and two of the Embassy of Spain in Tegucigalpa, who belonged to a committee aimed to prepare the visit to Honduras a mission composed of the head of the OAS and foreign ministers from different countries of the region.
On Sunday, the OAS condemned through a statement "the decision of Honduran officials of the de facto Government prevent entry into their country of a committee comprising senior officials of the hemispheric body.
. Shortly before the end of the discussion without consensus in the OAS, the de facto regime of Honduras announced that he was to invite the agency's mission to prepare for the arrival back of the group of foreign ministers.
. According to unofficial sources, that mission would travel to Tegucigalpa on Friday.
At the OAS meeting disagreements prevailed whether to recognize or not the presidential candidate who wins the general election scheduled by the de facto government for 29 November, or on language condemning the coup regime Honduras.
Countries like USA, Canada, Bahamas, Costa Rica and Peru abstained from determining what their position on the November election results is, if the de facto government continues and it is this that gives the power unconstitutionally to a chosen candidate.
Both the chairman of the hemispheric system, Pedro Oyarce, as the Secretary General Jose Miguel Insulza, reported a joint statement does not cover the Council in that "demand respect for the inviolability" of diplomatic embassies in the country, in reference particularly that of Brazil, which hosted the Constitutional President Manuel Zelaya, from Monday 21 September.
Oyarce and Insulza reaffirmed "its decision to continue making all efforts towards finding a peaceful solution to the crisis in Honduras," the statement circulated to the press.
The Council meeting was convened in an extraordinary way after the expulsion of three officials of the Organization of American States (OAS) and two of the Embassy of Spain in Tegucigalpa, who belonged to a committee aimed to prepare the visit to Honduras a mission composed of the head of the OAS and foreign ministers from different countries of the region.
On Sunday, the OAS condemned through a statement "the decision of Honduran officials of the de facto Government prevent entry into their country of a committee comprising senior officials of the hemispheric body.
. Shortly before the end of the discussion without consensus in the OAS, the de facto regime of Honduras announced that he was to invite the agency's mission to prepare for the arrival back of the group of foreign ministers.
. According to unofficial sources, that mission would travel to Tegucigalpa on Friday.
Honduras Postponed to October 7, the OAS foreign ministers' mission to Honduras
San Jose, 29 sep (EFE) .- The mission of foreign ministers of the Organization of American States (OAS), which was due to travel to Honduras on Thursday, postponed its visit for October 7, informed the Foreign Minister of Costa Rica, Bruno Stagno.
Stango, who participates in the mission, said at a news conference on Thursday he will travel to Tegucigalpa an outpost of the OAS to meet with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of de facto government, with the aim of preparing the visit of foreign ministers.
The commission that will travel on Thursday will consist of the same officials of the OAS which the Government of Roberto Micheletti prevented from entering Honduras on Sunday, in addition to the Chilean John Biehl, who could enter the country, he said. Although he would not discuss the activities and meetings that he made with the ministers in Honduras, Stagno said the mission objective "is to install a dialogue to establish a peace agreement which hopefully will be that of San Jose.
. Costa Rican Foreign Minister said he "didn't want to move anything until later, because the situation in Honduras is very changeable," adding that one of the main obstacles to sign the Agreement of San Jose is the "de facto government intransigence against the return of President Manuel Zelaya.
In addition to Stagno , the mission will be composed of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Canada in America, Peter Kent, and the foreign ministers of Jamaica, Kenneth Baugh, Argentina, Jorge Taiana, Mexico, Patricia Espinosa, Panama, Juan Carlos Varela, and the OAS Secretary General Jose Miguel Insulza.
The Costa Rican minister said that they have opened talks with Honduran presidential candidates and the Church, but that they "have not yet reached a concrete result."
The political crisis erupted in Honduras June 28, when the military ousted Zelaya and Congress appointed in his place Micheletti.
Zelaya turned 21 last September in a surprise and clandestine Tegucigalpa, where he found refuge in the Brazilian embassy.
Since then, clashes have increased between protesters for the return of Zelaya and the military, while the de facto government has suspended certain fundamental rights.
Óscar Arias considered undesirable to isolate the de facto Government of Honduras
Miami (USA), 29 sep (EFE) .- The president of Costa Rica, Óscar Arias, said Wednesday that it is wrong for the international community to isolate the de facto Government of Honduras in the midst of the political crisis in that country Central after the overthrow of President Manuel Zelaya.
"The worst that can happen to the international community is willing to isolate the de facto government, rather we should be in communication with him, so he listens to our advice," Arias said in Miami before intervening in the Americas Conference.
He said the international community needs to "visit" and if possible he would travel to the Central American nation, but for the moment "it would be the secretary general of the OAS (Organization of American States), José Miguel Insulza, and ten chancellors" . These foreign ministers plan to travel to Tegucigalpa on 7 October, Arias said before intervening in the Americas Conference, organized by The Miami Herald, the World Bank and Florida International University (FIU, for its acronym in English) .
The president of Costa Rica, Honduras mediator in the crisis and a driver in San Jose Agreement, also referred to the presidential election in Honduras for 29 November and said that suspending constitutional guarantees made the electoral process difficult .
The de facto government of Honduras ordered through an executive decree issued last Saturday, the 45-day suspension of constitutional guarantees relating to personal liberty, freedom of association and assembly, the right of movement and freedom of expression, among other restrictions .
"Don Roberto Michelleti (de facto president of Honduras) told me yesterday it is considering repeal that decree to restore tranquility to the electoral process because without that calm and respect for individual rights can not conduct an election campaign "he said.
The worst that can happen to Honduras, he stressed, is that many countries do not recognize diplomatically the "winner" of the November elections.
Arias reiterated that the only thing on the table is the San Jose Accord, an agreement that "was not written in stone, that I can change," she urged presidential candidates from Honduras to modify all aspects to consider .
"What is important is that elections take place in a calm atmosphere, which is transparent, acceptable to the majority and, hopefully, by the entire international community," he said.
Micheletti said that the decree issued for the suspension of constitutional guarantees was in response to the call of Zelaya, who is in the Brazilian Embassy in Tegucigalpa, the "insurgency" as a measure of pressure to regain power.
Zelaya was overthrown on 28 June and the Congress named as his replacement to Micheletti, who presided over the legislature.
With regard to mediation and the San Jose Agreement, he (Arias)admitted that so far "it has not advanced an inch, frankly."
When asked about the performance of other countries, including Brazil and Venezuela, facing the crisis in Honduras, Arias said that "there are many people who want to have five minutes of glory."
"Frankly, this war of words does not help things done as they need to be done calmly," he said.
Arias warns Honduran elections won't be recognized
CORAL GABLES, Fla. -- Costa Rican President Oscar Arias is commending the interim president of Honduras for saying he'll reverse an emergency decree suspending civil liberties in his country.
But Arias also said Tuesday that interim President Roberto Micheletti's government "has not moved an inch" in negotiations to return ousted President Manuel Zelaya to power with limited authority.
Arias brokered the plan to reinstate Zelaya, but Micheletti's government refused to accept it.
Arias spoke Tuesday at the Americas Conference, a business and political forum in South Florida. He warned that the results of the November presidential election in Honduras will not be recognized unless the terms of his San Jose accord are met.
By FREDDY CUEVAS (AP) – 23 minutes ago
TEGUCIGALPA, Honduras — The general who oversaw the ouster of President Manuel Zelaya implored all sectors of Honduran society to join in resolving the country's deepening crisis Tuesday, a message that seemed aimed at calming an uproar over a government order suspending civil liberties.
Gen. Romeo Vasquez's comments on Channel 5 television came hours after interim President Roberto Micheletti said he would accept congressional calls for him to reverse the emergency decree suspending civil liberties that he had announced on Sunday.
But little had changed on Tuesday. Two critical broadcasters remained shuttered and police faced off with about 500 demonstrators who sat in the middle of a street after officers blocked them from marching.
Micheletti also said he would allow an Organization of American States team whose arrival was blocked this weekend. The OAS hopes to persuade the coup leaders to bow to international demands they reinstate Zelaya, who was arrested and expelled from the country on June 28.
Micheletti's backpedalling reflected the largest public show of dissent within the ranks of his supporters to date. Conservatives expressed fear that Sunday's decree would endanger the Nov. 29 presidential election, which they consider Honduras' best hope for regaining international recognition.
The message by Vasquez seemed aimed at easing domestic and international protests that escalated after the government imposed the restrictions in response to Zelaya's surprise return home.
The decree suspended freedoms of speech and assembly and allowed warrantless arrests. Officials also closed dissident television and radio stations and expelled OAS employees.
"I am sure that Hondurans will find a peaceful solution soon to the crisis we are facing," Vasquez said, adding that "All sectors of society should put aside their differences to unite the homeland."
Zelaya, speaking via telephone to a United Nations General Assembly meeting in New York said the decree was proof that the interim government "is a fascist dictatorship that has repressed the Honduran people."
The interim government said the measures were needed to counter calls for an uprising by Zelaya's supporters ahead of the three-month anniversary of the June 28 coup.
The reversals came in a roller-coaster 24 hours.
Micheletti first gave the Brazilian government a 10-day ultimatum to get rid of Zelaya — who has been holed up at the Brazilian Embassy in Tegucigalpa since sneaking back into the country Sept. 21 — warning Brazil it would have to take down its flag and remove the embassy crest. Then on Monday, Micheletti said he wanted to send "a big hug" to Brazil's president and pledged nothing would happen to the diplomatic mission.
Micheletti also announced late Monday that he would soon cancel the measures and that an OAS delegation would be welcome to help mediate talks scheduled for early October. Micheletti said his decision came after talking to congressional leaders, who were concerned about the decree's effect on the election, in which all the major candidates oppose Zelaya's policies.
Costa Rican President Oscar Arias, who mediated U.S.-backed talks between the two sides, commended Micheletti for saying he would reverse the decree, but he criticized him for refusing to budge on reinstating Zelaya.
Speaking at a business forum in Miami, Arias said Micheletti "has not moved an inch" in negotiations to return Zelaya to power with limited authority — a plan brokered by Arias. He warned that the results of the November presidential election in Honduras will not be recognized unless the terms of his San Jose Accord are met.
The decree was declared as Zelaya called for a "final offensive" against the government, and Micheletti said pro-Zelaya media outlets were calling for violence. One of the closed broadcasters, Radio Globo, was transmitting on the Internet Tuesday, a day after police raided its offices raided and confiscated equipment.
All the drama belied the fact that throughout three long months, demonstrations by both sides have been largely peaceful. The government says three people have been killed since the coup, while protesters put the number at 10.
On most days, pro-Zelaya marches have been accompanied by mocking "Goriletti" gorilla dolls dancing on poles, while the Jesus Aguilar Paz School band beats out a samba-like "punto" rhythm from Honduras' Garifuna region, sending protesters into hip-swaying dances.
But in deeply divided Honduras, even the high school band is split: the more conservative horn section quit, while the drums renamed themselves "The Band of the Resistance" and have marched in about five dozen protests to demand Zelaya's reinstatement.
U.S. Blasts Exiled Honduran Leader. Too Little, Too Late?
Exiled Honduran President Manuel Zelaya, beloved by no one in Washington but particularly reviled by conservatives, has has stirred up trouble by returning to the Honduras. US officials had called for him to remain safely in exile until a political settlement could be reached. On Monday, a high-ranking diplomat slammed Zelaya's return as "irresponsible and foolish." Meanwhile, the interim government in Honduras has threatened to close the Brazilian embassy where Zelaya has taken refuge.
Conservatives have long pressured Obama to take a tougher stand on Zelaya, and are now blaming Obama for lending the interim government insufficient support and not taking a harder line against Zelaya. As Honduras's November election approaches, their calls are sure to rise. Below, the latest reactions:
Conservatives have long pressured Obama to take a tougher stand on Zelaya, and are now blaming Obama for lending the interim government insufficient support and not taking a harder line against Zelaya. As Honduras's November election approaches, their calls are sure to rise. Below, the latest reactions:
- Interim Pres Could Become Worse than Zelaya Michael C. Moynihan noted that Honduras's interim government, bereft of support, has used the episode as an excuse to clamp down on civil liberties. "The interim president of Honduras, Roberto Micheletti, has received rough treatment from the Obama administration, European Union, and the American media," he wrote. "But now Micheletti, who will not run in the forthcoming election and seemed to be sticking to his limited role as caretaker president, has decided that it is time to suspend democracy and start acting like the wannabe caudillo he replaced."
- White House Stuck in its Own Mess Ed Morrissey scoffed at the US reversal on Zelaya. "But if Zelaya is a bad actor, then the US has to take some of the blame for being a poor producer as well," he wrote. "After all, they encouraged Zelaya to become ever more aggressive, hailing him as the legitimate leader of Honduras even after it became plain that his removal was legal, even if his exile was not. That gave Zelaya all of the nudge he needed to issue ultimata that undermined the negotiations in Costa Rica and to re-enter Honduras and call for an uprising."
- US Should Disown Zelaya Former Bush administration official Otto J. Reich wrote in the National Review, "Zelaya, a corrupt and feckless autocrat who was allied with Hugo Chávez, Fidel Castro, and other self-professed enemies of the United States, was lawfully removed from office by a unanimous decision of the Honduran supreme court. The U.S. had nothing to do with Zelaya’s removal, and it should do nothing to force his return. Rather, we should rejoice that one of the self-proclaimed '21st-century socialist' allies of Chávez has been legally deposed by his own countrymen."
- Reevaluate All Honduras Policy The Wall Street Journal's Mary O'Grady lambasted American policy on Honduras. "Washington decreed once again that a president who tried to trash the constitution must be reinstated or it will not recognize the November presidential election," she wrote. "The Obama administration's position on the Honduran election is embarrassing. Can anyone imagine that if Fidel Castro declared tomorrow that he would hold free elections and invite the whole world to come as observers, the U.S. would reject the idea because Cuba is a military dictatorship? It would be absurd."
US denies policy change in Honduras crisis
WASHINGTON — The United States denied Tuesday that its criticism of ousted President Manuel Zelaya as "irresponsible and foolish" for returning to Honduras marked a change in US policy on the crisis."We have said throughout this process that all sides need to act constructively, avoid the kind of provocative statements or actions that would precipitate violence and inhibit the resolution of this situation," said State Department spokesman Philip Crowley.
A statement Monday by Lewis Amselm, the US representative to the Organization of American States, slamming Zelaya was "not at all" a reversal of position, he said.
"What he said yesterday is fully consistent with our concern that, you know, both sides need to take constructive action, affirmative action," he said.
Zelaya's return to Honduras September 21 has set off a tense confrontation in Tegucigalpa between his supporters and the de facto regime that threw him out of the country three months ago.
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton initially said it was an opportunity to resolve the crisis under the terms of a Costa Rican-brokered plan that called for Zelaya's reinstatement followed by elections.
But Amselm appeared to depart from the script Monday at an OAS session during which he called Zelaya's decision to secretly return to Tegucigalpa before an agreement had been reached "irresponsible and foolish."
"Both sides, ultimately, need to, you know, sign onto the San Jose process and begin a transition to a new government that the people of Honduras can support," Crowley said.
"So it is time for the de facto regime to have dialogue with President Zelaya and come to some resolution of this current situation," he said.
Crowley reiterated a call made late Monday by the State Department for the de facto government in Honduras to rescind a decree suspending certain civil rights, including free speech and rights to assembly.
The Honduras Crisis, Three Months Out: Is Micheletti's Support Unraveling?
September 29, 2009
by Christopher SabatiniIt appears that Roberto Micheletti the de facto president of Honduras overplayed his hand on Sunday when he announced a decree that closed down two media outlets (Radio Globo and Canal 36), dissolved the right of assembly and permitted police to detain suspects without warrents. Just for good measure he also gave the Brazilian embassy a 10-day ultimatum to release elected President Mel Zelaya, saying that the government would not respect the embassy as Brazilian territory (a violation of diplomatic protocol and what would amount to—according to the Brazilian government—as an invasion of Brazilian territory). And he threw out the OAS delegation that had arrived, saying they had come too early.
In a move familiar to President Zelaya before he was unconstitutionally removed, the Honduran Congress said that it would not support Micheletti’s decree.
A visibly shaken Michelletti issued a televised mea culpa and said the decree would be suspended. But its effects on clamping down on the media and heading off demonstrations were still felt.
The question is: has Micheletti lost it? I mean this both in the sense of his political strategy and his political/institutional support.
First, the wisdom of the move. The coup President has shown a remarkable level of stubborn disregard for the international community—a result in large part of his conviction of the legitimacy of the government’s actions and his belief that other governments haven’t taken Zelaya seriously as a threat to Honduran democracy. But the actions on Sunday have effectively closed off what was Micheletti’s last (narrow) path out of this: the November 28th elections and the hope that somehow, someway the international community would accept them as a path forward and recognize the winner.
It was unlikely, and foreign governments had already said they would not accept the results of elections convened by a de facto government. (The argument that we’ve accepted elections conducted under other de facto governments—say in Argentina or Chile—simply doesn’t hold water. Those were transitional elections intended to remove the military from power, which it had held for decades. Accepting them in the Honduras case amounts to accepting any de facto government’s right to remove an elected government that it doesn’t like and convene elections to patch things up—it’s not a precedent we want to set.)
But, by acting to limit freedom of expression and freedom of association, Micheletti has established a context for elections that, a priori, will not be free and fair. The basic conditions for free and fair elections are laws and protections that protect freedom of access to information, freedom to conduct political rallies, freedom of expression…all the things that allow for full, unfettered democratic electoral competition. By closing down these avenues he has de-legitimized the elections, even for the few days or so that these measures will be in place—not to mention the chilling effect they’ll have in the future.
Which brings me to whether Micheletti’s political support is fraying: it would certainly appear so. Let’s look at where that support (and the opposition to Zelaya) comes from: the Congress (which rejected a series of Zelaya’s orders, revoked his mandate and swore in Micheletti); the two presidential candidates for the November 28 contest (Elvin Santos of Zelaya’s Liberal Party and Porfirio Lobo Sosa of the National Party—both of whom had been chosen before the June 28 coup); Honduran business (which paid for his lobbyists in Washington); the military (which bundled up President Zelaya and whisked him out of the country); and the Supreme Court (which “tried” Zelaya—in a non-transparent hearing without giving him a right to defend himself—and ordered his arrest).
All of these should be firmly behind the leader they helped put in office, Micheletti, right?
Let’s start with the Congress. Clearly the Congress is beginning to get the willies about what Micheletti is doing. By ramping up the repression, he risks undermining their carefully crafted sophistry about how this coup was constitutional and how the elections are the way out. After meeting with Micheletti, the President of the Congress, José Alfredo Saavedra stated bluntly, “We need to lower the pressure, and all begin to calm down so that we can have a dialogue.”
The two leading candidates aren’t happy either. You would be a fool to want to inherit the presidential sash from the government now under Micheletti, shaken by protests, isolated internationally, without access to foreign credit, foreign aid reduced to a trickle, regular denunciations by human rights groups, etc. All of this makes President Obama’s job as President look easy.
This is why, Santos and Lobo Sosa were involved in the original discussions with Costa Rican President Óscar Arias. Now that things have deteriorated, however, they have taken a more active role, even holding separate discussions with Zelaya and Micheletti. Their dilemma is this: with the exception of the 30 percent that still—vehemently—support Zelaya, the unseated President remains deeply unpopular with Honduran voters. So, calling for his return to power—even in a neutered form—could be political suicide. One candidate briefly tried it and then backpedaled. Yet, it’s essential to their ability to get out of this mess. No doubt this is the very point of their discussions with Micheletti. They need to find a way for Zelaya to return in order to allow for a legitimate election and international recognition, but in a way that doesn’t require them to call for it.
Whether Micheletti will do this or not is another matter.
The third is the military. We have already seen cracks in the military’s support for Micheletti. The first cracks came in late July when junior officers issued two statements claiming that in sending Zelaya packing they were just following orders and should not be tagged as the fall guys and by declaring their support for the Arias’ San José Accords.
The second crack lie in the mystery of how Zelaya got back into the country. There are allegations of radio contacts and of Micheletti’s own nervousness about loyalty among the troops. Now, today (Tuesday), the army forces commander Romeo Vazquez is urging a negotiated settlement—and this was the guy who supposedly clamped down on the junior officers when they released their statement in late July! Support there is waning.
Apart from these sectors experiencing second thoughts, the other two are more difficult to assess. The business community has been firmly in support of Micheletti, even sending members to Washington to lobby on his behalf and hiring paid guns to deliver their message of solidarity and constitutionality. But two things have intervened to hurt them: the first is the US government’s suspension of several businessmen’s visas and the second is the declining economic fortunes of the country. With the path of repression that Micheletti has taken the country down and the unanimous international condemnation (and continued isolation it implies) Honduras is looking a little less business friendly to investors.
So, at what point will they decide that Micheletti is more of a liability than a temporary return of Zelaya for ceremonial purposes? It’s not hard to believe that that time may be approaching. But we don’t know.
And the Supreme Court remains a mystery. Clearly they played a proactive role in Zelaya’s arrest and removal, but they’re unlikely to play a political role in the negotiations. The only possible vote they will have in the matter is whether, in the event of a negotiated settlement that allows Zelaya’s return, they will dismiss, postpone or reduce the charges against him. The latter is a stated precondition for Zelaya’s return to power. It may be a bitter pill for the Supreme Court to swallow. But a more difficult one is undoubtedly watching the country slide toward a pattern of flagrant human rights violations that by its silence are implicitly sanctioned by the highest court. The Supreme Court may not negotiate or even desire his return, but the alternative now (especially since they claimed they had Zelaya whisked out of the country to avoid violent protests) must be looking pretty grim.
In short, Micheletti’s three-month reign as de facto president may be coming to an end. He has clearly been shaken by events, overplayed his hand and is now facing the defection of key elements of his coalition: the congress, the presidential candidates, the army and, quite possibly, the business community and the Supreme Court. All that’s left now is a graceful, negotiated exit.
One last note: again, none of this is to justify Zelaya’s stunt. It was a foolish, excessively dangerous act that provoked upheaval and violence. But, ultimately, as in any case of government repression (whether in Cuba and Venezuela today or in Chile and Argentina by the military governments of the 1970s and 1980s) the decision and the responsibility for repression ultimately lies with the government—as does the cost in terms of human rights, injuries and lives lost.
Arias said that the suspension of guarantees threatens elections in Honduras
Bogota, Sep 29 (EFE) .- Costa Rican President Óscar Arias, said a Colombian radio station that keeps the decree suspended many constitutional guarantees in Honduras and upheld the closure of two means "endanger" the holding of the elections on 29 November.
Ese decreto "coarta las más importantes libertades individuales", lo que "crea un clima ilógico para llevar a cabo la campaña electoral y daría al traste con la legitimidad" de los comicios, advirtió Arias en declaraciones a la emisora colombiana La FM. The decree "restricts the most important individual freedoms," which "creates a climate illogical to conduct the election campaign and would ruin the legitimacy of the election, Arias said in a statement to Colombian radio station La FM.
"Lo que más interesa es que esas elecciones sean transparentes, en un clima de normalidad", agregó el mandatario, quien reiteró este lunes que se mantiene como mediador en el conflicto político hondureño. "What is most interesting is that these elections are transparent, in a climate of normality," the president, who reiterated Monday that it is maintained as a mediator in the Honduran political conflict. El Gobierno de facto hondureño, presidido por Roberto Micheletti, publicó el sábado pasado un decreto por el cual suspende durante 45 días las libertades de circulación y expresión, y prohíbe las reuniones públicas, entre otras medidas. The de facto government of Honduras, headed by Roberto Micheletti, published last Saturday a decree which suspended for 45 days the freedoms of movement and expression and prohibit public gatherings, among other measures.
Según Micheletti, el decreto se emitió por la llamada a la "insurrección" del depuesto presidente hondureño, Manuel Zelaya, quien está desde hace el lunes de la semana pasada en la embajada de Brasil en Tegucigalpa. According to Micheletti, the decree was issued by the call to the "insurrection" of deposed Honduran President Manuel Zelaya, who is the last Monday of last week in the Brazilian Embassy in Tegucigalpa.
Amparado por ese decreto, el Gobierno de facto clausuró ayer dos medios de comunicación, Radio Globo y Canal 36, e impidió marchar a los seguidores de Zelaya en la capital y otros puntos del país, en la jornada en que se cumplían tres meses del golpe de Estado. Covered by this decree, the Government de facto closed yesterday two media, Radio Globo and Channel 36, and kept marching Zelaya's supporters in the capital and elsewhere in the country on the day they were met three months of the coup of State.
También en declaraciones a la emisora La FM, el canciller del Gobierno de facto, Carlos López, comentó hoy que ese decreto "está siendo objeto de reconsideración en este momento", aunque lo justificó diciendo que es "la respuesta normal a una situación irregular provocada por el llamamiento a la insurrección". He also told the radio station FM, Foreign Minister of the Government de facto, Carlos Lopez, said today that the decree "is under review at this time", but justified it by saying it is "the normal response to an irregular situation caused by the call for insurrection. "
"El primer objetivo de un Gobierno es el mantenimiento del orden público, la paz y la seguridad de las personas", subrayó López. "The first goal of a government is the maintenance of public order, peace and security of people," said Lopez.
Micheletti también abrió ayer la puerta a una posible derogación de ese decreto, tras reunirse con el presidente del Parlamento, José Alfredo Saavedra, y otros diputados que le pidieron que reconsidere la suspensión de garantías para favorecer el diálogo en el país. Micheletti yesterday also opened the door to a possible repeal of the decree after meeting with Parliament President, José Alfredo Saavedra, and others who asked him to reconsider the suspension of guarantees to promote dialogue in the country.
Zelaya fue detenido y expulsado del país por militares el pasado 28 de junio, y horas más tarde el Congreso nombró en su reemplazo a Micheletti, hasta entonces presidente del Legislativo y cuyo Gobierno no reconoce la comunidad internacional. Zelaya was arrested and expelled by soldiers on June 28, and hours later Congress appointed in his place to Micheletti, then president of the legislature and whose government does not recognize the international community.
Honduras and the faces behind the coup
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El jefe de las Fuerza Armadas de Honduras, general Romeo Vásquez Velásquez, reapareció este martes ante la opinión pública haciendo un llamado al diálogo como única salida a la crisis institucional y negó que sea él quien gobierna al país. The head of the Armed Forces of Honduras, General Romeo Vasquez Velasquez, came back Tuesday to public opinion calling for dialogue as only way out of the institutional crisis and denied that it is he who governs the country.
Vásquez compareció primero en la televisión local y luego sorprendió con una visita al hotel capitalino donde se encuentra alojada la mayor parte de la prensa internacional. Vasquez first appeared on local television and then surprised with a visit to the hotel in the capital where it is hosted most of the international press. Frente a los medios extranjeros el militar se declaró optimista sobre las posibilidades de un rápido arreglo, pero no dio mayores detalles sobre el diálogo que, según él, avanza por buen camino. Faced with foreign media said the military was optimistic about the chances of a quick settlement, but gave no further details about the dialogue, he said, is progressing.
También insistió en que el problema hondureño no fue causado por las Fuerzas Armadas y por lo tanto no son las Fuerzas Armadas las que lo pueden resolver. He also insisted that the problem was not caused by Honduran Armed Forces and therefore are not the armed forces which they can solve.
Vásquez Velásquez aseguró que el problema hondureño no fue causado por las Fuerzas Armadas. Vasquez Velasquez said the problem was not caused by Honduran Armed Forces.
Pero no todos en Honduras están de acuerdo con esta versión. But not everyone in Honduras have agreed to this release.
"Los que mandan son los militares. Aquí no pasa nada si no es por la mano de él (Vásquez Velásquez)", dijo David Romero, director de Radio Globo, emisora clausurada por orden del gobierno interino. "The powers that be is the military. Here it's OK if not for his hand (Vasquez Velasquez)," said David Romero, director of Radio Globo station shut down by order of the interim government.
"Es cierto que el golpe de estado fue diseñado y preparado por la oligarquía del país, que ellos (las Fuerzas Armadas) sólo atendieron al llamado de la oligarquía, pero hoy por hoy las decisiones electorales pasan por las manos de los militares", le dijo Romero a BBC Mundo. "It is true that the coup was designed and prepared by the oligarchy of the country, they (the military) only heeded the call of the oligarchy, but today the electoral decisions pass through the hands of the military," he Romero told BBC News.
Y, para el director de Radio Globo, no hay que perder de vista que el actual Estado Mayor de las Fuerzas Armadas habría sido educado bajo la doctrina anticomunista y entrenado para la represión. And to the director of Radio Globo, one must not lose sight of the current staff of the Armed Forces have been brought under the anti-communist doctrine and trained to repression.
"Son los mismos victimarios" "They are the same perpetrators"
La diferencia es que son nuevas víctimas. The difference is that they are new victims. Pero son los mismos victimarios, sólo que con mas impunidad y con mayor conocimiento de como hacer sus cosas But are the same perpetrators, only with more impunity and greater knowledge of how to do things
Berta Oliva, coordinadora del Comité de Familias de Detenidos Desaparecidos en Honduras Bertha Oliva, coordinator of the Committee of Families of the Disappeared in Honduras
"La diferencia es que son nuevas víctimas. Pero son los mismos victimarios, sólo que con más impunidad y con mayor conocimiento de cómo hacer sus cosas", afirmó en conversación con BBC Mundo. "The difference is that they are new victims. But are the same perpetrators, only with more impunity and greater knowledge of how to do things," he said in conversation with BBC World.
"En los '80 la represión se inició con los líderes, para desarticular. Ahorita está dirigida a los miembros (del Frente de Resistencia en contra del Golpe de Estado) para intimidar", afirmó. "In the '80s repression began with the leaders, to disband. Right now is directed to members (of the Resistance Front against the coup) to intimidate," he said.
Según el COFADEH, las 41 personas que actualmente enfrentan acusaciones de haber atentado en contra de la seguridad del estado, no son sino presos políticos. According COFADEH, the 41 people currently facing charges of assault against state security, are but political prisoners.
Y la organización también ha documentado 12 casos de muertes recientes de simpatizantes del Frente de Resistencia que la policía atribuye a accidentes o violencia común, pero que Oliva no duda en calificar de "asesinatos políticos disfrazados" (algo que las autoridades niegan tajantemente). And the organization has also documented 12 cases of recent deaths of supporters of the Resistance that police attributed to accidents or violence common but does not hesitate Oliva described as "political murder in disguise" (something the authorities deny categorically).
El resurgimiento de algunas figuras asociadas a los gobiernos militares de hace tres décadas, seguramente contribuye a esa percepción. The resurgence of some figures associated with the military governments of the past three decades, certainly contributes to that perception.
"Ese hombre (el presidente interino Roberto Micheletti) ha desempolvado todo lo feo de los '80. En su gabinete están los mismos políticos, empresarios y militares del pasado, ahora con mucho más poder y, por supuesto, con gran impunidad", dijo Oliva. "This man (interim President Roberto Micheletti) has dusted off all the ugly of '80. In his cabinet are the same politicians, businessmen and military past, now with much more power and, of course, with great impunity," said Oliva.
Rostros conocidos Familiar faces
Según el COFADEH, el canciller del gobierno interino es uno de los rostros que ha vuelto a la escena pública. According to COFADEH, Foreign Minister of the interim government is one of the faces he has returned to public life.
Los dos últimos, afirma Oliva, eran miembros del tristemente célebre Batallón 3-16, que se habría encargado del secuestro, desaparición y tortura de los sospechosos de subversión. The last two, says Oliver, were members of the infamous Battalion 3-16, which would have been responsible for the kidnapping, disappearance and torture of suspected subversives.
Y a dicha unidad de inteligencia también pertenecía Billy Joya Amendola, quien ahora maneja un perfil mucho más bajo que en los primeros días del golpe, cuando era una presencia inevitable en las pantallas de televisión y figuraba como asesor presidencial. And intelligence unit that belonged Billy Joya Amendola, who now runs a much lower profile than in the early days of the coup, when it was an unavoidable presence on television screens and appeared as a presidential advisor.
En el gabinete del presidente interino, sin embargo, también hay numerosos cuadros políticos y empresariales sin mayor vinculación con los regímenes militares de hace tres décadas. In the interim president's cabinet, however, there are numerous pictures without major political and business links with the military regimes of the past three decades.
E incluso figuras que se caracterizaron por tener una posición claramente crítica de esos regímenes, como el Comisionado para el Diálogo Nacional, German Leitzelar. And even figures that are characterized by having a clearly critical of these schemes, including the Commissioner for National Dialogue, German Leitzelar.
El claro apoyo del sector privado, por su parte, se hace evidente en el trabajo de la Unión Cívica Democrática (UCD), que se presenta como una coalición de más de 80 grupos, asociaciones y organizaciones de la sociedad civil, y que no ha escatimado esfuerzos en hacer oír su "lado de la historia", especialmente a nivel internacional. The clear support from the private sector, meanwhile, is evident in the work of the Civic Democratic Union (UCD), which presents itself as a coalition of over 80 groups, associations and civil society organizations, and has not spared no effort in to voice his "hand of history", especially internationally.
"Organización pro democracia" "Organization" democracy "
Reconocemos que la hondureña es una sociedad imperfecta, con un gobierno imperfecto, con una constitución imperfecta y también queremos ver cambios, pero dentro del marco de la legalidad We recognize that Honduras is an imperfect society with an imperfect government, with an imperfect constitution and we want to see change, but within the framework of the law
Daniel O'Connor, representante de la UCD ante la prensa extranjera Daniel O'Connor, representing the UCD to the foreign press
"Reconocemos que la hondureña es una sociedad imperfecta, con un gobierno imperfecto, con una constitución imperfecta y también queremos ver cambios, pero dentro del marco de la legalidad", afirmó. "We recognize that Honduras is an imperfect society with an imperfect government, with an imperfect constitution and we want to see changes, but within the framework of legality," he said.
Para O'Connor, la destitución forzosa de Zelaya se dio de manera legal, pero no así su salida de Honduras, "y eso ha sido una fuente de dolor de cabeza para Honduras". For O'Connor, the forced removal of Zelaya came legally, but not leaving Honduras, "and this has been a source of headache for Honduras."
Pero la organización considera que la solución no pasa por el regreso del mandatario depuesto al poder, sino por la celebración de elecciones libres y justas. But the organization believes that the solution is not the return of ousted president to power, but by holding free and fair.
A favor de esta idea han convocado a numerosas "marchas blancas" -en las que incluso ha participado el presidente interino Micheletti -así como misiones a Washington, para hacer cabildeo tanto entre congresistas, como representantes de organismos internacionales y organizaciones de la sociedad civil. In favor of this idea have convened numerous "white marches", where even participated Micheletti-interim president as well as missions to Washington to lobby both among legislators, as representatives of international organizations and civil society organizations.
También está la abundancia de recursos desplegados por la UCD, que incluso contribuye con la alimentación de los efectivos del ejército desplegados por Tegucigalpa. There is also plenty of resources deployed by the UCD, which contributes even feeding the army troops deployed in Tegucigalpa.
Son evidentes los detalles, como la instalación de un centro permanente de atención a la prensa internacional en un lujoso hotel de la capital, cosa que les ha valido acusaciones de ser un instrumento de la oligarquía que algunos afirman es la verdadera fuerza detrás de lo sucedido el 28 de junio. There are obvious details such as the installation of a permanent center of attention to the international press at a luxury hotel in the capital, which has earned them accusations of being an instrument of the oligarchy which some say is the real force behind what happened June 28.
O'Connor afirma, sin embargo, que la organización representa a tres millones de hondureños y se mantiene con contribuciones de ciudadanos y empresas de todos los tamaños. O'Connor said, however, that the organization representing three million people in Honduras and is maintained by contributions from citizens and businesses of all sizes.
"La UCD no es la que está a cargo del gobierno. Si lo estuviera, las cosas serían muy diferentes", concluyó. "The CDU is not in charge of the government. If it were, things would be very different," he said.
U.S. calls to restore security and criticizes those who encourage violence
Tegucigalpa, Sep 29 (EFE) .- The United States today urged the de facto Government of Honduras to return "immediately" constitutional guarantees and criticized those who "incite violence" because "harm" to the Honduran people.
"Las autoridades han anunciado (...) que van a considerar derogar ese decreto, instamos a que esto se haga inmediatamente", señaló el embajador estadounidense en Honduras, Hugo Llorens, al subrayar que a su país le "preocupa mucho" la suspensión de las garantías constitucionales. "(...) The authorities have announced that they will consider repeal that decree, we urge that this be done immediately," said U.S. Ambassador to Honduras, Hugo Llorens, stressing that his country was "very concerned" the suspension constitutional guarantees.
"Los derechos de los pueblos son inalienables y no deberían ser limitados o restringidos de ninguna manera", agregó en declaraciones a la radio HRN de Tegucigalpa. "The rights of peoples are inalienable and should not be limited or restricted in any way," told HRN radio Tegucigalpa. Llorens dijo que "cualquier persona que habla de la violencia, que trata de instigar la violencia, está haciéndole también un daño al pueblo hondureño; los que violan los derechos humanos le hacen un gran daño al pueblo, los que instigan la violencia también". Llorens said that "anyone who talks about violence, which is inciting violence, is also making a damage to the Honduran people, those who violate human rights will do great harm to the people who instigate the violence, too."
Expresó su "buen sentir" porque el Congreso Nacional, los candidatos presidenciales y otros sectores rechazaron ayer el decreto de suspensión de garantías constitucionales publicado el sábado por el presidente de facto, Roberto Micheletti. He expressed his "feel good" because the National Congress, presidential candidates and other sectors yesterday rejected the decree suspended constitutional guarantees issued on Saturday by the de facto president, Roberto Micheletti.
El Gobierno de Micheletti clausuró ayer una radio y un canal de televisión al amparo de este decreto, que suspende varias garantías constitucionales, entre ellas, las libertades de reunión, prensa y circulación. Micheletti The government yesterday closed a radio and a television channel under this decree, which suspended several constitutional guarantees, including freedom of assembly, press and movement.
A petición del Parlamento, Micheletti anunció consultas para derogar el decreto en los próximos días. At Parliament's request, Micheletti said consultations to repeal the decree in the coming days.
Llorens enfatizó que su Gobierno favorece una solución "entre los hondureños", en el marco de la mediación del gobernante de Costa Rica, Óscar Arias, para superar la crisis causada por el golpe de Estado del 28 de junio contra el mandatario depuesto, Manuel Zelaya, que permanece en la embajada de Brasil desde el pasado día 21. Llorens emphasized that his Government favors a solution "among Hondurans, under the mediation of the ruler of Costa Rica, Óscar Arias, to overcome the crisis caused by the coup on June 28 against the deposed president, Manuel Zelaya , which remains in the Brazilian embassy since last day 21.
"La solución de Honduras no debe ser una solución norteamericana, impuesta por Estados Unidos, o una solución sudamericana", expuso el embajador, quien en los últimos días ha dialogado con políticos, empresarios y religiosos hondureños en busca de un arreglo. "The solution of Honduras should not be an American solution, imposed by U.S. or South American solution," explained the ambassador, who in recent days has been in dialogue with politicians, businessmen and religious Hondurans seeking a settlement.
"Como ha dicho el presidente (de EE.UU., Barack) Obama , uno no sólo aprieta un botón y todo se resuelve", dijo. "As stated by the president (U.S., Barack) Obama, you do not just press a button and all is resolved," he said.
"Apoyamos más que nada que se restaure la democracia en Honduras, que se restaure el Gobierno legítimo", así como el principio de respeto a los derechos humanos, señaló. "We support more than anything to restore democracy in Honduras, to restore the legitimate government" and the principle of respect for human rights, he said.
Llorens enfatizó que el Acuerdo de San José, propuesto por Arias, "está en la mesa" y "es la llave para la solución, para tener un acuerdo, tener un proceso electoral pacífico, con apoyo de la comunidad internacional". Llorens emphasized that the San Jose Agreement, proposed by Arias, "is on the table" and "is the key to the solution, to have an agreement, have a peaceful electoral process, with support from the international community."
También afirmó que "ya quedó en el pasado" el proyecto de Zelaya de promover una Asamblea Constituyente mediante una consulta frustrada por su derrocamiento el 28 de junio. He also stated that "it's in the past" Zelaya of the proposed Constituent Assembly by promoting consultation frustrated by its overthrow on 28 June.
Insistió en que el plan Arias, que contempla el retorno de Zelaya al frente de un gobierno de unidad nacional, contiene "todos los elementos para que de verdad se resuelva el problema de una vez por todas". He insisted that the Arias plan, which envisages the return of Zelaya in front of a national unity government, contains "all the elements to truly resolve the issue once and for all."
Businessmen in Honduras Offer Plan to End Crisis
TEGUCIGALPA, Honduras — Stung by the loss of their American visas and concerned about Honduras’s increasing international isolation, the country’s leading businessmen have put forward their own plan to resolve the political crisis here.
In the plan, which was made public earlier this week, supporters of the coup that ousted President Manuel Zelaya three months ago have for the first time suggested his return as president. But at the same time the plan calls for him to face trial on charges that he stole money while in office.
“What we’re trying to do is break the ice,” said Adolfo J. Facussé, president of the country’s manufacturing association.
Mr. Facussé said he had put forward his own proposal because he thought that other countries, particularly the United States, were preparing to reject the results of a presidential election scheduled for Nov. 29. The State Department has warned that it may not accept the results if there is no political agreement.
“They continue deteriorating our elections process,” Mr. Facussé said. “This is the most destructive thing they can do in a democracy.”
He added, “The less support the candidates have, the less they can do to solve the problems.”
The United States has stepped up sanctions in stages in an effort to press the de facto government of Roberto Micheletti to negotiate with Mr. Zelaya. After initially suspending military aid and then some economic aid, the United States said in early September that it would revoke visas to members of the de facto government and their supporters.
When Mr. Facussé arrived in Miami on Sept. 12, immigration officials told him that he was no longer welcome. The United States Embassy declined to say which other business leaders had had their visas revoked.
Mr. Facussé and other leaders have proposed that after an accord is reached, troops or police officers from other countries in the hemisphere will keep the peace and an interim multiparty government will take charge. Mr. Zelaya would face trial, but he would not serve prison time if convicted; instead, he would be sentenced to house arrest.
Nelson Ávila, an economic adviser to Mr. Zelaya, said the “plan was born dead.”
“The dialogue is based on the presumption of guilt of President Zelaya, and legally that does not exist,” he said.
There are other signs that the coalition of politicians, businessmen and the military that supported the coup is feeling pressure from the international community. On Monday, the political parties forced Mr. Micheletti to back away from a decree suspending civil liberties.
The main presidential candidates have already tried to jump-start the negotiations, traveling to Costa Rica to meet with the country’s president, Óscar Arias, who has tried to mediate peace talks. Mr. Arias’s proposal, known as the San José Accord, calls for restoring Mr. Zelaya as president, but sharply curtailing his powers. The plan would provide a full amnesty to both sides.
Last week the presidential candidates met with Mr. Zelaya, who secretly returned to Honduras on Sept. 21 and has taken refuge in the Brazilian Embassy.
Mr. Facussé said that Mr. Micheletti agreed to consider his plan after he suggested that Mr. Micheletti step down as leader of the de facto government and be named congressman for life.
Mr. Facussé was clearly dissatisfied with the efforts of other countries to mediate the crisis here. “Because of the bad image the military created, everybody interfered, and we ended up with the San José Accord,” he said.
One of the de facto government’s main supporters in Washington, Senator Jim DeMint, Republican of South Carolina, has announced plans to visit Tegucigalpa on Friday. One Congressional staff member said Mr. DeMint hoped to meet with members of the de facto government and other Hondurans. Other staff members said he intended to encourage Mr. Micheletti and his supporters to resist.
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