Widespread and Continuing Abuses Documented by Inter-American Commission
Soldiers arrive at the National Congress in Tegucigalpa on June 28, 2009.
© 2009 Reuters- Other Material:
Given the ongoing abuses documented by the Commission and the lack of effective legal protection, it is urgent that the international community exert concerted and effective pressure to restore democratic government in Honduras.
(Washington, DC) - The finding by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of widespread abuses in Honduras should compel the international community to take firm action, such as targeted sanctions, to resolve the country's ongoing crisis, Human Rights Watch said today.
The commission released a report on August 21, 2009, showing a pattern of serious violations under the de facto government, including excessive use of force, arbitrary detention, sexual violence, and attacks on the media, as well as several confirmed deaths and possible "disappearances." The commission also documented an absence of effective legal protections from abuse.
"Given the ongoing abuses documented by the commission and the lack of effective legal protection, it is urgent that the international community exert concerted and effective pressure to restore democratic government in Honduras," said José Miguel Vivanco, Americas director at Human Rights Watch.
In the aftermath of the June 28 coup d'état, Human Rights Watch and other local and international advocacy groups urged the Organization of American States (OAS) to address serious human rights abuses being committed in Honduras under the de facto government. Given the scope of alleged abuses, and the region's history of bloody coups leading to massive violations, human rights advocates believed the situation warranted the direct intervention of the region's most authoritative human rights investigative body, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.
The commission conducted an extensive fact-finding mission from August 17 to 21. It met with representatives of the de facto government and representatives of various sectors of civil society, and received complaints, testimony, and information from more than 100 individuals.
"While the OAS has yet to show results in resolving Honduras's democratic crisis, the commission has demonstrated the crucial role that this regional mechanism can play when a country's rule of law is badly undermined," Vivanco said.
INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION'S FINDINGS
In its preliminary findings, the commission found "a pattern of disproportionate use of public force" by the military and police, which has resulted in the deaths of at least four people, dozens of wounded, and thousands of arbitrary detentions. It also found that the de facto government has abused its emergency powers, using the military to limit freedom of assembly and expression. The commission confirmed that women had suffered sexual violence, and that threats, detentions, and beatings of journalists had created an atmosphere of intimidation among critical media outlets. While the commission reported some serious acts of violence and vandalism by protesters, it noted that the majority of demonstrations were peaceful.
Deaths and Possible ‘Disappearances'
The commission documented four deaths resulting from the use of excessive force under the de facto government. Isis Obed Murillo Mencías died after being shot in the head while participating in a demonstration outside Tegucigalpa's Toncontin Airport on July 5. The body of Pedro Magdiel Muñoz, which bore signs of torture, was found on July 25 in the department of El Paraíso. Witnesses told the commission that Muñoz had participated in a rally in front of military roadblocks that day and had been arrested by the military. Roger Vallejos Soriano, a teacher, was shot in the head during a protest in Comayagüela on July 30. Pedro Pablo Hernández was shot in the head by a soldier at a military roadblock in the valley of Jamastran on August 2, according to testimony collected by the commission.
The commission also reported that, despite four requests for information, the state has been unable to account for two individuals. One was last seen at a protest on July 12, and the other was seized at home on July 26.
Excessive Use of Force
The commission found "a pattern of disproportionate use of public force" by the military and police. More than 100 people verified that a disproportionate use of force was used in repressing demonstrations. The excessive use of force characterized the security forces' suppression of demonstrations in Tegucigalpa, San Pedro Sula, Choloma, Comayagua, and the town of El Paraíso - and resulted in deaths, cases of torture and mistreatment, and hundreds of wounded.
According to the report: "In the various departments to which it traveled, the commission received testimony about individuals wounded by lead bullets or injured by blows with police truncheons and other blunt objects made of rubber, iron, and wood, and about the indiscriminate use of tear gas, as customary methods used to deter demonstrations. The commission received testimony from dozens of people with serious injuries to the head as a result of the repression exercised both by police and military personnel."
Arbitrary Detentions
The commission condemned the widespread use of arbitrary detentions to "silence and obstruct expressions of protest." It concluded that between 3,500 and 4,000 people had been arrested arbitrarily by the military and police during protests, and detained for periods ranging from 45 minutes to 24 hours. Many detainees were subjected to beatings, threats and verbal attacks while in custody.
In many cases, the due process rights of individuals were also violated. Detainees were not informed of the grounds for their arrest, records were not kept of their imprisonment, and neither judicial authorities nor public prosecutors were informed of their cases, the commission found. Furthermore, detainees' right to challenge the grounds for their detention (habeas corpus) was not upheld. In some cases, judges who responded to petitions for habeas corpus were mistreated and threatened at gunpoint. In addition, the commission found that, in many cases, public prosecutors failed to investigate the cases of detainees who had been injured or were being detained.
Sexual Violence
The commission found that "women were especially subject to acts of violence and humiliation because of their gender." The commission heard the testimony about two incidents that reportedly took place in San Pedro Sula, one in which a woman said she had been raped by police officers and another in which a woman said she was stripped from the waist down and beaten with batons.
The commission confirmed that the police and army groped the breasts and genitals of women in detention. And women denounced security officers for forcibly spreading the women's legs and touching their genitals with police batons.
Attacks on the Media
The commission found that attacks on the media have intensified in recent weeks, generating "an atmosphere of intimidation that inhibits the free exercise of freedom of expression." Among other tactics, it reported that the de facto government, military and police had suspended or closed TV channels and radio stations; threatened, detained, and beaten members of the media; and attacked the offices of critical news outlets.
The commission confirmed that at least eight national TV stations, three major radio stations, and several international news channels were interrupted or suspended during the June 28 coup. It collected testimony from 10 journalists who were assaulted by security forces while attempting to cover demonstrations, and five more who said they were detained and beaten by police or the military. It also compiled information about nearly 20 threats against journalists, and five major attacks on the offices of critical media outlets. On August 12, for example, a Channel 36 cameraman, Richard Cazula, was filming a rally in Tegucigalpa when security officers assaulted him, beating him and damaging his camera.
While the attacks predominantly targeted critics of the de facto government, the commission also reported attacks on journalists and outlets that support the coup, such as the newspaper El Heraldo, which was attacked on August 14 by a group of masked men who threw Molotov cocktails at its building.
Abuse of Emergency Powers
The commission expressed concern about the continuing use of the military to control protests and maintain public order. While acknowledging that "under exceptional circumstances the armed forces may be called on to participate in controlling demonstrations," the commission argued that this exercise must be limited in scope because the military lacks training for policing. The report criticized the military's ongoing use of curfews, which are being enforced "without any type of legal foundation" and are being applied in a discriminatory fashion. The commission found that thousands of people have been trapped between military checkpoints, which have been set up with no justification. From July 24 to 27, between 4,000 and 5,000 people were caught between military roadblocks near the border with Nicaragua. Participants told the commission that the military used teargas on them, denied them food and water, and would not give medical attention to the wounded.
Lack of Legal Protection
In addition to documenting widespread abuses, the commission found that the judiciary had failed in its duty to review the actions of the de facto government, in spite of clear violations of Honduran and international law and various appeals (amparos) for legal review. It also found the judiciary had failed to assess the legality of the emergency measures implemented by the de facto government, neglecting its responsibility to act as a check on executive power. In the context of this inaction, and as a result of the judiciary's inadequate response to reported violations, the commission concluded that "the judicial remedies available in Honduras do not currently offer efficient and effective protection against human rights violations in the context of the coup d'état."
The commission also questioned the performance of the public prosecutor's office. It reported receiving "consistent and repeated information confirming that, in many cases, the offices of public prosecutors have not begun official investigations into the existence of groups of people who have been injured and in custody."
(The justice system's credibility as an impartial guarantor of fundamental rights is further undermined by the fact that both the president of the Supreme Court and the attorney general have been outspoken in their support of the coup. Moreover, on August 23 - two days after the commission released its findings - the Supreme Court issued a ruling in which it formally endorsed President Manuel Zelaya's removal from power and the legitimacy of the de facto government.)
Violence and Vandalism by Zelaya Supporters
While the commission found that the majority of demonstrations had been peaceful, it noted there have been exceptional cases in which protesters have committed acts of violence, "some of them serious, against persons and against property." These acts include the burning of a restaurant and an attack on a congressional deputy.
THE NEED FOR CONCERTED INTERNATIONAL PRESSURE
An OAS delegation arrived in Honduras on August 24 to meet with various public and private actors with the goal of promoting the signing of the San Jose Accord, a plan that would return Zelaya to power until elections are held by the end of November. The delegation includes the foreign ministers of Argentina, Canada, Costa Rica, Jamaica, Mexico, Panama and the Dominican Republic, as well as by OAS Secretary General José Miguel Insulza.
"If the OAS delegation is unable this week to persuade Honduras's de facto government to allow Zelaya's return to the presidency, the only option left will be for the international community to ratchet up the pressure," said Vivanco. "The US government in particular could play a key role through the use of carefully targeted sanctions."
The United States has condemned the coup and suspended about US$18 million in mostly military and development aid to the de facto government. However, the Obama administration has so far resisted imposing more far-reaching sanctions, citing the detrimental impact they could have on the Honduras's struggling economy.
Human Rights Watch has previously urged the Obama administration to consider using carefully tailored sanctions that would directly target officials in the de facto government without affecting the broader population. These might include cancelling their travel visas, denying them access to the US banking system, and targeting their private sources of income.
Honduran Supreme Court Rejects Zelaya Return
Micheletti rejects OAS Delegation. This whole farce has been characterised by the coup government snubbing its nose at the whole international community while being able to mount a big public relations campaign in the US that involves several people associated with Hilary Clinton. Clinton herself took a very timid stance from the beginning, moreso than even Obama. An official letter in response to a query of Senator Lugar is even more compromising. All along Micheletti has rejected the firt premise of the negotiations that Zelaya will be restored as president. Even though Arias bent over backwards to make the return a boon for the coup the group simply stuck to their story that the coup was not a coup but a move to support the constitution against Zelaya's violations! This line is echoed in many mainstream media along with the falsehood that the referendum Zelaya tried to implement was to extend his term. Now the Honduran regime makes demands that the OAS pick delegates from countries of its own choosing. No doubt Colombia would be acceptable. They also demand that the head of the OAS butt out because they don't like him because he is adamantly opposed to the coup. It will be interesting to see what the U.S. reaction is to this in your face rejection of the U.S. well crafted plan to let the coup off scot free! There is division both in the military and the Liberal party about the coup. The military has come out in support of an Arias type solution and the Liberal party presidential candidate has disassoicated himself from the coup. Honduran regime rejects delegation seeking crisis solution
In Honduras, the Honduran Supreme Court has rejected a Costa Rica-brokered deal that would restore ousted President Manuel Zelaya. In a new ruling, the Honduran justices say Zelaya won’t be allowed to return to office and will face arrest if he tries. The Honduran Supreme Court backed the Honduran military when it forced out Zelaya in June.
Honduran regime rejects delegation seeking crisis solution TEGUCIGALPA (AFP) – The Honduran regime on Sunday said it would turn back a high-level delegation from the Organization of American States that is seeking a negotiated solution to the political crisis triggered by a coup. The delegation, including the foreign ministers of Argentina, Mexico, Canada, Costa Rica, Jamaica and the Dominican Republic, was set to arrive in Tegucigalpa on Tuesday. The Honduran foreign ministry said it would not receive the group because it included OAS Secretary General Jose Miguel Insulza, who it claimed was biased. It also said that other unnamed countries it considered more sympathetic were not represented in the delegation. The Tuesday visit was to coincide with the arrival of thousands of pro-Zelaya activists from around the country that are to converge on Tegucigalpa and San Pedro Sula, the two largest cities in Honduras. The announcement is also at odds with an earlier statement by acting foreign minister Carlos Lopez. "We expect that with the arrival of the foreign ministers (in the OAS delegation) relations will be normalized" with the international community, he told AFP on Saturday. The Honduran statement Sunday said that the visit could be rescheduled, as long as the delegation did not include Insulza. "Unfortunately Insulza's intransigence and his insistence on including himself in the delegation and to exclude foreign ministers of member states that ... are open to reconsidering our case has made it impossible to allow this visit in the scheduled date," read the foreign ministry statement. It complained of Insulza's alleged "lack of objectivity, impartiality and professionalism" in his job, "which has resulted in serious damage to democracy" in Honduras. OAS officials announced they were sending the delegation -- aimed at supporting the "re-establishment of democratic order" -- on Friday. Honduras's membership in the OAS was suspended following a June 28 coup in which soldiers ousted President Manuel Zelaya from power and put him on a plane to neighboring Nicaragua. The suspension came after Insulza, a former Chilean foreign minister, issued a report critical of the interim regime. Zelaya has expressed support for a proposal that would allow him to return to power, offer political amnesty to those involved in the coup, and schedule early presidential elections, which was proposed by Costa Rican President Oscar Arias. Honduran interim leader Roberto Micheletti has rejected the Arias plan because it includes Zelaya's return to power. Washington has so far refused to recognize Micheletti's government, has suspended military aid to Honduras and revoked the diplomatic visas of some of the interim Honduran leaders. The political crisis in Honduras will be one of the issues to be discussed as the leaders of the United States, Mexico and Canada meet in Guadalajara Sunday and Monday. Copyright © 2009 Yahoo! Inc. All rights reserved.
http://hosted.ap.org/dynamic/stories/L/LT_HONDURAS_COUP?SITE=CAANR&SECTION=HOME&TEMPLATE=DEFAULT
US backs high-stakes Honduras mission
WASHINGTON (AFP) - The United States on Monday strongly backed a seven-nation mission aimed at ending Honduras' political crisis, saying it supplied an aircraft that took the delegation to the Central American nation.
The head of the Organization of American States, Jose Miguel Insulza, flew to Honduras with seven foreign ministers to persuade the post-coup government to accept a proposal to reinstall ousted President Manuel Zelaya.
"We firmly support their visit," State Department spokesman Ian Kelly told reporters.
"We continue to believe that the Honduran people deserve a peaceful negotiated agreement to which all parties can commit, and that this accord presents the best opportunity," he said.
Kelly said the US government, responding to the mission's request, provided a C-17 aircraft to fly the delegation from Miami to an airbase near the Honduran capital Tegucigalpa.
The foreign ministers of Argentina, Canada, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, Jamaica, Mexico and Panama are taking part in the latest mediation bid to see interim leader Roberto Micheletti.
Costa Rican President Oscar Arias came up with the proposal which calls for Zelaya to return to power, offers an amnesty to those involved in the coup and schedules early presidential elections.
Baltazar Garzon in Honduras Pictures by Associated Press
Spanish judge Baltasar Garzon arrives at Toncontin international airport in Tegucigalpa, August 23, 2009. Garzon is visiting Honduras on the invitation of human rights organisation CIPRODEH, local media reported on Sunday.
REUTERS/Edgard Garrido (HONDURAS POLITICS CRIME LAW)lunes 24 de agosto de 2009 Monday August 24, 2009
Honduras Spanish Judge Baltasar Garzon rejects coup in Honduras
Tegucigalpa .- The judge of the International Court of Justice Baltasar Garzon of Spain repudiated on Monday in Tegucigalpa, the coup that deposed Honduran president Manuel Zelaya on 28 June.
"I cannot conceive, at age 53, that someone cannot think of different ways of working things out than in democratic ways," said Garzon as part of a forum on international criminal law to be held in the capital Honduras.
The Spanish magistrate, who reached international notoriety for prosecuting cases against Latin American military dictators for human rights violations, including Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet, said "I smell something really bad going on," anything involving "the breakdown of democracy and limiting the rights of individuals ".
"I cannot agree with any reliance on the use of force that intends to end a system or that eliminates a person through opening the doors to hell," Garzon said before several hundred people who packed the auditorium of the Hotel Honduras Maya hear his presentation.
Garzon came to Tegucigalpa to lecture on the principle of international criminal justice is, he said, a "response to impunity" in cases where national legal systems do not work.
This does not mean the replacement of national legal systems "is not that we do not like the judges of a country and do the other. It is only if they do not allow or prevent the course of justice , international justice is involved, "he concluded.
Fuente:http://ecodiario.eleconomista.es/ Source: http://ecodiario.eleconomista.es/
PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS ON THE IACHR VISIT TO HONDURAS
Tegucigalpa, Honduras, August 21, 2009 — The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) today concluded its on-site visit to Honduras, which began on August 17, 2009. The purpose of the visit was to observe the human rights situation in the context of the coup d’état of June 28, 2009. The delegation was composed of the IACHR President, Luz Patricia Mejía; the First Vice President, Víctor Abramovich; the Second Vice President and Rapporteur for Honduras, Felipe González; Commissioner Paolo Carozza; and Executive Secretary Santiago A. Canton. The Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, Catalina Botero, was also part of the delegation.
The IACHR requested the visit on June 30, 2009, received consent from the State on July 13, 2009, and came to an agreement with the President of the Supreme Court of Justice to conduct the visit. The preliminary observations presented today are based on information received before and during the visit. The Commission will prepare a final report that it will publish in the near future.
During the visit, the IACHR met with representatives of the de facto government and representatives of various sectors of civil society, and received more than one hundred individuals who presented complaints, testimony, and information. In Tegucigalpa, the delegation met with authorities of the three branches of government, human rights defenders, political and social leaders, nongovernmental organizations, and parents of families. On August 19, Commission delegations traveled to Tocoa, in the department of Colón, and to San Pedro Sula, in the department of Cortés, where they held meetings with representatives of civil society and local authorities. In Tocoa, the IACHR received more than 40 teachers, journalists, political leaders, and social leaders, and met with representatives of the police, the Army, and the Public Prosecutor’s Office, as well as with local business owners and students. In San Pedro Sula, the Commission received more than 50 representatives of civil society organizations, met with members of the media, heard testimony from individuals injured during the suppression of demonstrations, and met with authorities from the municipality, the police, and the armed forces. On August 20, Commission delegations traveled to the towns of El Paraíso and Comayagua. In El Paraíso, meetings were held with civil society organizations and the mayor’s office, and testimony was received regarding the events of July 24-27, 2009, when a continual curfew was imposed for three days. In Comayagua, the IACHR received information about the events of July 30, 2009, when a demonstration was suppressed and nearly 150 people were detained for a period of 6 to 14 hours. The IACHR obtained this information by taking testimony from those affected and from witnesses, as well as from local police and Army authorities and the regional Office of the Public Prosecutor. The Commission thanks everyone who facilitated the organization of this visit.
* * *
On June 28, 2009, the IACHR condemned the coup d’état and the interruption of the constitutional order, and made an urgent call to restore the democratic order and to respect human rights, the rule of law, and the Inter-American Democratic Charter. In addition, all the States of the hemisphere unanimously and immediately condemned the coup d’etat. The Permanent Council of the Organization of American States (OAS) condemned the coup d’état, demanded the return of President Manuel Zelaya, and declared that no government that emerged from the institutional interruption would be recognized. On June 30, the OAS General Assembly gave the de facto government of Honduras a 72-hour deadline in which to restore President Zelaya to power, and on July 4, 2009, it suspended the State of Honduras from the exercise of its right to participate in the OAS.
The Supreme Court of Justice, the National Congress, and other Honduran actors have a different reading than that of the international community as a whole as to the legitimacy of the coup d’état, as they believe that the acts of June 28, 2009, were carried out with strict adherence to the Constitution. The Commission considers that even when there may be differences of opinion on this matter, the obligation to guarantee the rights of persons does not change, since this is incumbent at all times on all those who hold public power, regardless of any interpretation that may be made of the events of June 28, 2009.
The OAS General Assembly’s decision does not suspend the obligations Honduras acquired when it ratified the American Convention on Human Rights in 1977 and other inter-American human rights instruments, based on which the IACHR continues to observe the state of human rights in the country. In addition, in its July 4 resolution the OAS General Assembly specifically reaffirmed “that the Republic of Honduras must continue to fulfill its obligations as a member of the Organization, in particular with regard to human rights.” Moreover, Article 21 of the Inter-American Democratic Charter establishes that, in the case of a suspension from participation in the OAS, “The suspended member state shall continue to fulfill its obligations to the Organization, in particular its human rights obligations.”
Since June 28, 2009, the Commission has received numerous complaints about human rights violations in the context of the coup d’état. In all these cases, the Commission proceeded immediately to communicate with the State, based on the American Convention and the Commission’s Rules of Procedure. On June 28, the IACHR granted precautionary measures that were subsequently expanded on June 29; July 2, 3, 10, 15, 24, and 30; and August 7 and 17, 2009. These measures were intended to safeguard the life and physical integrity of a total of 106 individuals about whom the IACHR had received information indicating a situation in which there was an imminent risk of irreparable harm. The IACHR also requested information on four occasions, under Article XIV of the Inter-American Convention on the Forced Disappearance of Persons, with regard to the situation of five persons whose whereabouts had not been able to be established. Finally, the Commission also made various requests for information under Article 41 of the American Convention on Human Rights regarding such situations as the application of the decree to suspend guarantees, the use of the curfew, repression of public demonstrations, detentions of thousands of demonstrators, attacks against the communications media, harassment of journalists, and temporary shutdowns of media outlets by the Army.
The Commission’s communications were directed to the Office of the President of the Congress and the Office of the President of the Supreme Court of Justice, given the impossibility of addressing the constitutional President of Honduras, Manuel Zelaya, and the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Patricia Rodas. The Supreme Court of Justice provided information on the status of remedies of amparo, habeas corpus, and motions of unconstitutionality being processed, and asked the various jurisdictional bodies, security agencies, and the National Commission on Human Rights to provide information as to whether there was any pending complaint or request for a precautionary measure in favor of the beneficiaries.
With regard to the requests for information, based on Article XIV of the Inter-American Convention on the Forced Disappearance of Persons, the IACHR received information from the Supreme Court of Justice, from other State entities, and from civil society. Based on the information provided by the authorities, the Commission believes that the situation of three of the individuals has been cleared up, but the whereabouts of two persons have not yet been clarified. One of these individuals was seen for the last time at a demonstration held on July 12, 2009, and the other was allegedly kidnapped from her home on July 26, 2009.
Democratic Institutional System
Representative democracy is the form of political organization adopted explicitly by the OAS Member States. The OAS Charter establishes in its principles that “the solidarity of the American States and the high aims which are sought through it require the political organization of those States on the basis of the effective exercise of representative democracy.” Along these lines, the OAS Charter states that “representative democracy is an indispensable condition for the stability, peace and development of the region” and proclaims that one of the essential purposes of the Organization is to “promote and consolidate representative democracy, with due respect for the principle of nonintervention.” The process of creating mechanisms to strengthen democracy throughout the region was consolidated in September 2001 with the adoption of the Inter-American Democratic Charter, which establishes: “The peoples of the Americas have a right to democracy and their governments have an obligation to promote and defend it.”
The Member States have expressed themselves explicitly on the close link between democracy and the observance of human rights. The Inter-American Democratic Charter reaffirms that “the promotion and protection of human rights is a basic prerequisite for the existence of a democratic society.” It states: “Essential elements of representative democracy include, inter alia, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, access to and the exercise of power in accordance with the rule of law, the holding of periodic, free, and fair elections based on secret balloting and universal suffrage as an expression of the sovereignty of the people, the pluralistic system of political parties and organizations, and the separation of powers and independence of the branches of government.”
The Inter-American Commission and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights have on many occasions made statements affirming that close link. In its Advisory Opinion 8, the Inter-American Court stated: “In a democratic society, the rights and freedoms inherent in the human person, the guarantees applicable to them and the rule of law form a triad. Each component thereof defines itself, complements and depends on the others for its meaning.” For its part, the Commission has indicated that the democratic system and the observance of the rule of law are critical for the effective protection of human rights and that, at the same time, the complete guarantee of human rights is not possible without the effective and unrestricted recognition of political rights.
Considering the interrelationship between democracy, the rule of law, and the observance of human rights, the IACHR considers that the coup d’état carried out through the removal of the constitutional President has an immediate impact on the observance of the rule of law and of human rights in Honduras. The Commission was able to verify during its visit that the interruption of the constitutional order brought about by the coup d’état has been accompanied by a strong military presence in various spheres of civilian life; the suspension of guarantees through the implementation of a curfew that does not meet the standards of the inter-American system; and the ineffectiveness of judicial remedies to safeguard people’s fundamental rights.
Along these lines, the Commission received information about the strong military presence in schools and at the National University, and the Army’s shutdown and occupation of television and radio channels during the coup d’état.
It is also of concern to the Commission that the Army has actively participated, along with the National Police, in controlling demonstrations. While under exceptional circumstances the armed forces may be called on to participate in controlling demonstrations, this exercise must be limited to the maximum extent, because the armed forces lack the necessary training to control internal disturbances. According to information received from the Ministry of Defense, the Ministry of the Interior, and the military high command, the military forces participate under the command of the police forces, under a constitutional provision that allows such an arrangement. However, as the Inter-American Commission and Court have indicated, the use of force on the part of State security forces must be of an exceptional nature, and must be planned and limited proportionally by the authorities. It is also worth noting that the bodies of the inter-American human rights system have established previously that the States must limit to the maximum extent the use of the armed forces to control internal disturbances, since the training they receive is designed to destroy the enemy and not to protect and control civilians, which is the type of training police agencies typically receive.
The suspension of guarantees is provided for in Article 27 of the Convention as an exceptional mechanism for suspending the enjoyment and exercise of rights “in time of war, public danger, or other emergency that threatens the independence or security of a State Party.” However, for a suspension of guarantees to be legitimate, it must meet a series of requirements established in the Convention. The first of these requirements is that the suspension of guarantees be adopted by a government that exercises public power legitimately, within the context of a democratic society. Also, as the Inter-American Court has stated, “The suspension of guarantees lacks all legitimacy whenever it is resorted to for the purpose of undermining the democratic system. That system establishes limits that may not be transgressed, thus ensuring that certain fundamental human rights remain permanently protected.”
On June 28, Mr. Micheletti announced the beginning of the curfew during a press conference held at the National Congress, with no information as to the legal instruments on which this action was based. The timeframe established for the curfew was from 9 p.m. until 6 a.m. for the two days following the takeover of power.
One of the grounds the de facto government invoked to restrict the rights of the people of Honduras was Decree No. 011-2009, which established a curfew beginning on June 30, 2009. Consequently, before any particular analysis on the State of Honduras’s compliance with human rights obligations, the Commission believes it is necessary to analyze the compatibility of the curfew decree with the American Convention on Human Rights, in particular Article 27.
Decree 011-2009 established the curfew for a period of 72 hours, applicable between 10 p.m. and 5 a.m. Although this period expired on July 3, 2009, the curfew continued to be implemented for more than a month without any type of legal foundation. Thus, contrary to what is established in the Constitution, the state of exception was established by decree of the de facto government, for a shorter period of time than was implemented in practice, and without being published in the Official Gazette. The subsequent ratification by Congress and publication on July 27, 2009, does not right these original wrongs.
In accordance with Article 27 of the American Convention, the scope of the suspensions must be strictly necessary to relieve an emergency situation, and this implies limiting the scope of time and space, and the rights that are suspended. The Commission deems that, in the context of the coup d’état, curfews have been implemented since June 28, 2009, without justification as to their reasonableness or relevance to the situation that led to the state of exception. In particular, reference must be made to the events of July 5, 2009, when President Zelaya tried unsuccessfully to return to the country by air. The curfew established originally was in effect from 10 p.m. until 5 a.m. However, at 6 p.m. it was announced on national television that the curfew would begin in half an hour and would last until 5 a.m. In addition, the discretionary way in which the curfews have been established is reflected in the lifting of the measure on July 12, 2009, and its resumption on July 15, 2009, with no justification of the causes that would warrant a new suspension of rights.
Even within a legitimate state of exception, each act of implementation must be reasonable, that is, it must be strictly appropriate for the occasion and the scope of the state of exception, without any type of discrimination. The IACHR has verified that during the implementation of the curfew, thousands of people were trapped between military roadblocks without justification. In addition, the curfew was not uniformly applied throughout the country, and in fact there was discriminatory enforcement of the restriction of the right to circulate. Thus, for example, the IACHR was able to confirm that in the town of El Paraíso some people were allowed, in a selective and discriminatory manner, to move about during the curfew.
This situation is aggravated by the absence of judicial control of the rules governing the state of exception. For five decades, the Commission has consistently underscored the foundational importance that, in a democratic society, there be judicial control of the acts of public power. During its on-site visit, the Commission received testimony consistent with a great deal of information it had received since June 28, 2009, indicating that the judicial remedies available in Honduras do not currently offer efficient and effective protection against human rights violations in the context of the coup d’état. The de facto government’s initial acts include a suspension of guarantees that has not been subject to judicial scrutiny, despite having been called into question by various motions of amparo. Under the current circumstances, the Commission deems that these actions should have received the highest priority.
The Commission has received similar information from all sectors to the effect that the majority of the habeas corpus actions presented to challenge detentions are rendered moot because the alleged victims have already been released. The Commission would like to stress the importance of resolving habeas corpus actions with utmost promptness in all cases. The Commission saw firsthand, for example, a place of detention consisting of three small cells in which between 80 and 100 people had been held for several hours. While the law allows for detentions within a 24-hour period, the Commission deems that the situation created by the detention of several dozen people should receive immediate attention. Moreover, the Commission has received testimony and information regarding the fact that some judges responsible for writs of habeas corpus have been mistreated, threatened, and intimidated so that they will not carry out their duties.
On another matter, the Commission has received consistent and repeated information confirming that, in many cases, the offices of public prosecutors have not begun official investigations into the existence of groups of people who have been injured and in custody. In the case mentioned in the previous paragraph, a number of those detained were injured and had previously been treated in hospitals, but the public prosecutor who visited them did not draw up a list. When asked to explain the situation, the Public Ministry indicated that the reason for this omission may have been that people do not trust the institution. The Commission deems that it is critically important for the Public Ministry to carry out its role regardless of the opinion or political affiliation of those who receive its services.
The deterioration of institutions without a doubt affects the regular functioning of Honduran society. One example is the information received by the IACHR indicating how children’s right to education has been affected. The Commission understands that these arguments arise in a context in which teachers, parents, and even those being educated hold conflicting opinions in an intense social debate. The genesis of the matter, the Commission believes, is that doors for democratic dialogue have been shut, which hinders a resolution of this conflict. The Commission will evaluate all the complaints it has received and will report on its conclusions in the near future.
Violations of Human Rights
Along with the loss of institutional legitimacy brought about by the coup d’état, which affects the regular functioning of democratic institutions, during its visit the Commission confirmed a pattern of disproportionate use of public force, arbitrary detentions, and the control of information aimed at limiting political participation by a sector of the citizenry. The Commission confirmed the use of repression against demonstrations through the placement of military roadblocks; the arbitrary enforcement of curfews; the detentions of thousands of people; cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment; and poor detention conditions. The control of information has been implemented through the temporary shutdown of some media outlets; a ban on the transmission of signals of certain cable television stations that were reporting on the coup d’état; the selective use of power outages to affect the transmission by audiovisual media reporting on the coup; and attacks and threats against journalists from media outlets with editorial positions opposed to the coup d’état.
In addition, the IACHR received testimony indicating that acts of harassment have been perpetrated against individuals who have publicly demonstrated political affinity with President Zelaya. Governors, deputies, mayors, and social leaders who had allegedly demanded the restitution of the constitutional president have reported that they were subject to reprisals, threats, acts of violence, budget cuts, and military occupation of the public installations in which they worked, among other measures. President Zelaya’s family, in particular, informed the Commission about the harassment and smear campaign that have affected all of their members.
Excessive Use of Force in Public Demonstrations
Political and social participation through public demonstrations is essential to democratic life in societies and is of vital social interest. People from all political sectors have the right to fully and freely exercise their right to freedom of expression and their right to assembly, without violence and in accordance with the law and inter-American standards for the protection of human rights. As the Inter-American Commission and Court have indicated, the State not only should refrain from interfering with the exercise of these rights, but it should also adopt measures to ensure that these rights can be exercised effectively.
As the Commission has stated on previous occasions, the State has the authority to impose reasonable limitations on demonstrations so as to ensure that they are peaceful or in order to contain those who demonstrate violently. However, in exercising this authority, the conduct of its agents must be limited to employing the safest and least harmful measures, since the grounds for breaking up a demonstration should be the duty to protect people. At the same time, the legitimate use of public force in such situations presupposes—necessarily—that the force is proportionate to the legitimate end being sought, reducing to a minimum the possibility of causing personal injuries and the loss of human lives.
With regard in particular to the use of firearms, the Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials states: “Law enforcement officials, in carrying out their duty, shall, as far as possible, apply non-violent means before resorting to the use of force and firearms.” Likewise, the United Nations Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials states expressly: “The use of firearms is considered an extreme measure.” Under Article 9 of the Basic Principles, meanwhile, firearms shall not be used against persons except when there is an imminent threat of death.
The Commission was informed during its visit that the demonstrations have been peaceful, with the exception of some cases in which there have been acts of violence, some of them serious, against persons and against property. These include the burning of a restaurant and of a bus, and attacks against a congressional deputy and several journalists.
The Commission learned that in demonstrations that were suppressed throughout the country—including Tegucigalpa, San Pedro Sula, Choloma, Comayagua, and the town of El Paraíso—there was a pattern of excessive use of public force. In fact, several of the demonstrations held since June 28, 2009, were broken up by public security forces, both police and military, resulting in deaths, cases of torture and mistreatment, hundreds of injured, and thousands of arbitrary detentions.
Right to Life
The American Convention on Human Rights establishes in its Article 4 that every person has the right to have his life respected and that no one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his life. In the domestic arena, Article 65 of the Constitution of Honduras establishes that “the right to life is inviolable.”
Isis Obed Murillo Mencías, who was 19 years of age, died on July 5, 2009, as a result of a bullet wound to the head, which he sustained while participating in a demonstration outside Tegucigalpa’s Toncontin Airport. The repression was carried out by the National Police and the Army. During its visit, the Commission received concurring testimony from several people about this event. In terms of the investigation, the IACHR was informed by the Secretary of Defense of the de facto government, Adolfo Lionel Sevilla, that there was an Army report on the death of the young Isis Obed. However, the head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Romeo Vásquez Velásquez, indicated that the investigation was still underway. In addition, the Commission was informed by official sources that the report prepared by the armed forces on the military operation at the airport recognizes that members of the public forces fired arms against a group of demonstrators. The Commission was also informed about the existence of forensic reports indicating that the projectiles that caused the death are compatible with the weapons used by the public forces. The Office of the Special Human Rights Prosecutor informed the Commission that it had opened an official investigation to determine the circumstances and responsibility for this death.
The body of Pedro Magdiel Muñoz was found on July 25, 2009, in the department of El Paraíso, near the border with Nicaragua. His body bore signs of torture that had been hidden under a clean shirt that had been put on him after he was killed. The IACHR received testimony from two persons who witnessed his detention by members of the Army hours before his body was to appear. The witnesses informed the Commission that the victim had actively participated that day in demonstrations in front of military roadblocks set up in the area.
On July 30, 2009, Roger Vallejos Soriano, a teacher, received a bullet to the head during demonstrations held in Comayagüela, and he died on August 1. The State informed the Commission that an investigation is underway.
On August 2, 2009, Pedro Pablo Hernández died from a bullet wound to his head. According to testimony presented to the Commission, the gunshot came from a member of the military who was at the military roadblock located at the intersection of the Jutiapa detour, in the Jamastran valley, on the road from Danlí to Trojes. The Office of the Public Prosecutor reported that the case is being investigated.
Right to Humane Treatment
Article 5 of the American Convention on Human Rights recognizes every person’s right “to have his physical, mental, and moral integrity respected.” It also expressly states: “No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman, or degrading punishment or treatment.” For its part, the Constitution of Honduras establishes the following in its Article 68: “Every person has the right to have his physical, mental and moral integrity respected.” The right to humane treatment, like the right to life, cannot be set aside under any circumstance.
The IACHR received testimony from more than 100 people verifying that the repression of public demonstrations was characterized by a disproportionate use of force. In fact, in the various departments to which it traveled, the Commission received testimony about individuals wounded by lead bullets or injured by blows with police truncheons and other blunt objects made of rubber, iron, and wood, and about the indiscriminate use of tear gas, as customary methods used to deter demonstrations. The Commission received testimony from dozens of people with serious injuries to the head as a result of the repression exercised both by police and military personnel. The IACHR verified that men, women, and elderly people showed bruises on various parts of their body, and it heard various accounts of people who were subject to humiliation and torture. In San Pedro Sula, in particular, the Commission was told that during the acts of repression, police officers raped a woman, and several persons received blows to the abdomen and the genitals, and pepper gas was sprayed in their eyes.
The Commission received testimony about the August 14 repression on the Choloma bridge in San Pedro Sula. According to the information received, the police threw tear gas canisters and began to beat and detain demonstrators. The IACHR heard the testimony of two female demonstrators who indicated that members of a strike force, the Cobra Command, chased them for several blocks then struck them on the legs and buttocks with police truncheons while insulting them. Another woman told the Commission that police officers stripped her naked from the torso down, hitting her brutally with their truncheons. The Commission also received the testimony of a worker who was beaten at that same demonstration and who suffered a fracture of the nasal septum and cuts to his forehead and head.
One person affected testified to the Commission that he had been traveling in the region near Las Manos, near the border with Nicaragua, at the end of July. Military elements stopped the bus in which he was traveling to the border city of Las Manos, in the department of El Paraíso, and they forced it to turn back, after subjecting passengers to humiliations and insults. When the bus turned back, the military men fired, and a bullet hit the man in the ear, blowing off a piece of it. At first, the hospital did not want to treat him, saying that he was a terrorist.
Information was also received about police brutality at a march toward the National Congress in Tegucigalpa, held on August 12. According to the testimony, when they arrived at the destination of the march, members of the Army, the National Police, and the elite Cobra Command repressed demonstrators by beating them as well as bystanders who were not participating in the protest. The Commission heard testimony from a man who was sitting on a bench when he saw a demonstrator receive a brutal beating. He recounted the following: “A teenager was running down the avenue, and the military men grabbed him and hit him with an iron stick. I told them, ‘You’re going to kill the boy,’ and then one of the military men said, ‘Grab that old man,” and they started to beat me.”
Two brothers who had left the August 12 demonstration in Tegucigalpa told how military men forced them off the bus with blows of the fist then took them to the Congress, where the brothers, along with others who had been detained, were forced to take off their shirts and shoes. According to the testimony of one of the brothers, “They were hitting me in the face and pressing my testicles with their police clubs. They made me fall to the floor, which was very hot. The police stood on my toes and smashed them over and over. I lifted my head because the [concrete] was burning me, and they clubbed me twice.”
Several individuals became victims of persecution by the Comayagua security forces after participating in demonstrations. One of the victims said that after the demonstration in which she had participated had already been dispersed by the members of the security forces, police entered the house in which she had taken refuge, apprehended her, made her get in a military truck where there were other people who had been detained, and then threw tear gas inside the vehicle. The Inter-American Commission heard similar testimony from various individuals regarding this incident. Information was also received about the use of tear gas canisters thrown inside family homes in which demonstrators had allegedly taken refuge.
Right to Personal Liberty
Article 7 of the American Convention on Human Rights states that “every person has the right to personal liberty and security” and “no one shall be deprived of his physical liberty except for the reasons and under the conditions established beforehand by the constitution of the State Party concerned or by a law established pursuant thereto.” It also states that “no one shall be subject to arbitrary arrest or imprisonment” and that “anyone who is detained shall be informed of the reasons for his detention and shall be promptly notified of the charge or charges against him.” For its part, Article 69 of the Constitution of Honduras indicates: “Personal liberty is inviolable and may be restricted or suspended temporarily only in accordance with the law.”
Another method used by the de facto government to silence and obstruct expressions of protest has been the use of detentions of demonstrators and even of individuals who were in the immediate vicinity of demonstrations without participating in them. According to the information received, between 3,500 and 4,000 people were arbitrarily detained by the police and the Army during the demonstrations. The Commission confirmed with various sources that in many cases, no record was made of their detentions, or records were inconsistent; nor were judicial authorities or public prosecutors informed. No charges have been brought against these individuals, who were released hours after their detention. According to what was reported to the Commission, the arbitrary detentions allegedly lasted for periods ranging from 45 minutes to 24 hours. According to these reports, those who were detained were subject to blows, threats at gunpoint, and verbal attacks. It was also reported that some of the cells to which they were taken were covered with urine and feces. The Commission received information that at some police posts the judges responsible who appeared in response to petitions for habeas corpus were mistreated, threatened at gunpoint, and verbally abused.
For example, on August 12, 28 persons were arrested (27 adults and one minor) during the march toward the National Congress. Three of them were charged with terrorism and given conditional release. The other 24 were charged with crimes of sedition, damage to private property, illegal demonstration, and theft. Those detained were taken to installations of the Cobra Battalion, which is not equipped as a detention center but is a training camp for specialized forces. At the Cobra Battalion, those detained were confined to the stands of a sports stadium. Once 24 hours had passed—the period in which, under constitutional guidelines, they had to be released—the Office of the Public Prosecutor filed indictments against them. The afternoon of the following day, at a police installation, a hearing was held on the indictments. It wasn’t until that moment that those who had been detained learned of the charges against them, which were the grounds for their detention. During the hearing, police forces and members of the Cobra Command were inside the room. All those detained were released on different dates between August 14 and 20; 18 have been exonerated and the other 6 continue to face prosecution on the illegal demonstration charges.
From July 24 to 27, between 4,000 and 5,000 people were trapped between military roadblocks in the border area with Nicaragua, in the department of El Paraíso, during the enforcement in that area of a continual curfew by virtue of consecutive extensions every 12 hours. The Commission received concurring testimony from numerous witnesses indicating that during this period they did not have access to water, food, or medicine; that they were repressed by security forces through the use of tear gas; and that those who were injured did not receive medical attention.
The Commission considers it imperative that the de facto government adopt urgent measures to guarantee the right to life, humane treatment, and personal liberty of all persons. It is essential that serious, exhaustive, conclusive, and impartial investigations be done of all cases involving human rights violations. The Commission underscores the need for those who are responsible to be duly tried and punished, and for adequate reparations to be made to the family members and victims of violations that are attributable to agents of the State. To this effect, it is critical that the Office of the Human Rights Prosecutor continue and expand the task it must carry out to investigate the totality of violations that have occurred in the context of the coup, and that no obstacles are placed in the way.
During its visit, the Commission received testimony stating that in the context of the demonstrations and the repression and detentions carried out by police officers and members of the military, women were especially subject to acts of violence and humiliation because of their gender. The Commission confirmed that, while they were under the direct control of members of the police and Army, many women were subject to abusive and denigrating treatment that included having their breasts and vagina groped. In other cases, the Commission received information that some of the women had had their legs spread open and their genitals touched with police truncheons.
Right to Freedom of Expression
The guarantee and protection of freedom of expression is an essential condition for the defense of all human rights and for the very existence of any democratic society. The American Convention on Human Rights establishes the right to freedom of expression in its Article 13, which states that “everyone has the right to freedom of thought and expression” and indicates that this includes “freedom to seek, receive, and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing, in print, in the form of art, or through any other medium of one's choice.” Meanwhile, Article 72 of the Constitution of Honduras recognizes the freedom to express thoughts “by any means of dissemination, without prior censorship.”
The Inter-American Court has consistently stressed the importance of this right, holding that:
Freedom of expression is a cornerstone upon which the very existence of a democratic society rests. It is indispensable for the formation of public opinion. It is also a condition sine qua non for the development of political parties, trade unions, scientific and cultural societies and, in general, those who wish to influence the public. It represents, in short, the means that enable the community, when exercising its options, to be sufficiently informed. Consequently, it can be said that a society that is not well informed is not a society that is truly free.
The IACHR has received information about situations that have arisen since the coup d’état that constitute serious violations of the right to freedom of expression. During the visit, it was confirmed that on June 28, 2009, various media outlets—in particular, television channels and radio stations—were forced, by military occupations of their facilities, to suspend their broadcasts. In some cases, they were subject to technical restrictions such as power outages and takeovers of broadcast repeaters and transmitters, which made it impossible for them to report on what was happening. It was also verified that several cable channels were taken off the air and that TV programs that took a critical view of the coup were suspended. Other mechanisms for controlling information have included calls from various public officials, especially members of the public forces, about the inadvisability of transmitting information or opinions against the de facto government. There have also been detentions, attacks, and the destruction of equipment that reporters use to do their jobs, as well as violent attacks and death threats by private individuals against the media.
The IACHR has been able to note that following the coup d’état, the communications media in Honduras have become polarized. The publicly owned media, due to their inadequate institutional design, are not independent from the executive branch; as a result, they are openly biased in favor of the de facto government. Journalists and media outlets that are perceived to be closely aligned with the government have been targets of strong acts of aggression, presumably by people who oppose the coup d’état. Other media outlets that are perceived as backing the resistance movement have seen their journalistic efforts constantly affected both by agents of the State as well as by private individuals who restrict their reporting work. In the current sharply polarized environment, there are few media outlets that have made a public commitment to civil organizations that they will present pluralistic information without having their editorial position affect their reporting. However, the task of providing information freely is not easy to sustain, as the de facto government has powerful mechanisms for interference and intimidation that can be used either openly or covertly, with the excuse of formally applying pre-existing laws. In addition, the threats and violent attacks by private individuals have seriously hampered the exercise of the journalistic profession.
Closure of Media Outlets
The IACHR was informed that on June 28, military personnel occupied the installations for the transmission antennas of various television and radio channels in the vicinity of Cerro de Canta Gallo, in Tegucigalpa, and kept technicians from turning on the transmitters for several hours. The transmission antennas of Channels 5 and 3, Channel 57, Channel 9, Channel 33, Channel 36, Channel 30, Channel 54, and Channel 11 are all in that area. This measure, along with the constant cutoffs of electric power, hampered the ability of these channels to transmit signals. On another matter, the State-owned Channel 8 did not transmit for more than a day. When it resumed its transmission, its management had changed, as well as its programming. The signals of several private channels—Channel 6, Channel 11, Maya TV, and Channel 36 in Tegucigalpa; and La Cumbre and Televisora de Aguán, channel 5, in the department of Colón—were interrupted by military takeovers or on instructions from the Army.
Also occupied or surrounded by members of the public forces were Radio Progreso, in the city of El Progreso, department of Yoro; Radio Globo, in Tegucigalpa; Radio Juticalpa, in the department of Olancho; and Radio Marcala, in the department of La Paz. In this last case, members of the military tried to shut down the radio station, but residents in the area blocked their path and the station kept transmitting.
Besides this situation, it was confirmed that the National Telecommunications Commission (CONATEL) gave instructions to cable television providers that either directly or indirectly led them to remove from their lineup international channels or national programs transmitted by local channels. Such was the case of CNN en Español, Telesur, Cubavisión Internacional, Guatevisión, and Ticavisión, among others.
Power Outages
In the morning hours of June 28, there were selective power outages, according to complaints received by the IACHR. The power outages hampered the ability of radio and television stations to transmit freely, included sectors where the transmission towers operated, and affected telephone services for both land lines and cellular phones.
Detentions of Members of the Media
The IACHR received information to the effect that several journalists were detained, attacked, and threatened for reasons directly linked to the exercise of their profession. On June 28, 2009, cartoonist Allan McDonald was detained along with his 17-month-old daughter, by soldiers belonging to the Armed Forces who broke into his house and burned his cartoons and drawing materials. That same day, members of the public forces held a group of reporters from Telesur and The Associated Press in Tegucigalpa to question them about their visa status. This operation, against Telesur and VTV, was repeated on July 11. The following morning, members of the police forces kept the reporters from leaving the hotel for several hours. The crews from both channels left Honduras the next day because they believed that their security was at risk.
The journalists illegally detained and beaten by members of the public forces included: Naún Palacios, in Tocoa, Colón, on June 30, 2009; Mario Amaya, a photographer from the Diario Hoy, on July 2; Rommel Gómez, in San Pedro Sula; the director of Radio Coco Dulce, Alfredo López, on August 12 in Tegucigalpa; and journalist Gustavo Cardoza of Radio Progreso, on August 14, in Cortés. At that same demonstration, an independent journalist from Tela, Edwin Castillo, was beaten by security forces.
Attacks and Threats against the Media
The IACHR received information about serious and multiple attacks suffered by journalists due to acts carried out by public forces or private individuals, but always for the purpose of preventing them from freely doing their work. Thus, for example, Juan Ramón Sosa of the daily newspaper La Tribuna was beaten and insulted when he covered a demonstration on June 29 in Tegucigalpa. According to the information received, photojournalist Wendy Olivo of the Agencia Bolivariana de Noticias was assaulted by members of the public forces when she tried to photograph people who had been detained at a police station and refused to turn over her camera. On July 30, a number of journalists and cameramen were allegedly assaulted by members of the police in the context of security forces’ response to the demonstration that day in Tegucigalpa. According to the information received, Karen Méndez, a journalist from Telesur, was pushed and threatened by a police officer, while a cameraman from the same station, Roger Guzmán, was also attacked and had work materials seized. José Oseguera and Luis Andrés Bustillo, cameramen from the Maya TV program “Hable como Habla,” were allegedly beaten in the Durazno area, on the northern exit out of Tegucigalpa, on July 30, 2009. Edgardo Castro, a journalist from the Televisora Hondureña de Compayagua, allegedly was assaulted on July 30, 2009, when he was filming police actions against protestors at the demonstration in Tegucigalpa. His equipment was also allegedly damaged. On August 5, 2009, a photographer from the daily Tiempo, Héctor Clara Cruz, was covering a student demonstration at the National Autonomous University of Honduras and was beaten by members of the police so that he would stop taking pictures of the confrontation. On August 12, 2009, Richard Cazulá, a Channel 36 cameraman, allegedly was beaten by members of the public forces and his camera was allegedly damaged, when he was filming a demonstration in Tegucigalpa. On August 14, 2009, during a demonstration, a group of police attacked photographer Julio Umaña from the daily Tiempo—who had shown them his accreditation—and confiscated his materials.
In terms of attacks against journalists that stem from actions of private individuals, the IACHR observes that for the most part these took place while they were covering demonstrations. In Tegucigalpa, three journalists from the Channel 42 program “Entrevistado” allegedly were attacked on June 28, 2009, by a group of demonstrators, who also knocked them down and broke their cameras. On June 29, 2009, El Heraldo photographer Johnny Magallanes allegedly was attacked when he was covering a demonstration in front of the Presidential House in Tegucigalpa. On July 1, some demonstrators who presumably belonged to the resistance movement assaulted Carlos Rivera, a correspondent for Radio América in the city of Santa Rosa de Copán. Henry Carvajal and Martín Rodríguez, a photographer and journalist from the newspaper La Tribuna, reported that they had been subject to acts of aggression by demonstrators belonging to the resistance on July 26 in the department of El Paraíso.
In addition, information was received indicating that several members of the media have been threatened since the coup d’état as a result of their work in journalism. The threats have come from different sectors and have been made via the telephone, electronically, or in person, when the journalists cover demonstrations or news events related to the political crisis. The IACHR was able to note that threats to prevent the free exercise of journalism have been on the rise in recent weeks. Members of the media who have been subject to serious threats include, among others: Madeleine García and other members of the Telesur crew; Esdras Amado López (Channel 36); Eduardo Madonado (“Hable como Habla” on Maya TV); Jorge Otts Anderson (La Cumbre channel in Tocoa, Colón); Johnny Lagos (El Libertador); José Luis Galdámez (“Tras la Verdad” program on Radio Globo); Andrés Molina (Radio Juticalpa); Carlos Lara, Wilfredo Paz, and Rigoberto Mendoza (in Tocoa, Colón); members of Radio Progreso; members of Radio La Voz Lenca, among other independent or community radio stations; Francisco Montero (Radio Sonaguera); and Héctor Castellanos (a program on Radio Globo), to name some examples of threats coming from members of the public forces or from sectors presumably associated with the de facto government. In addition, Carlos Mauricio Flores and Fernando Berrios, of El Heraldo, received death threats in the context of violent attacks on the newspaper for which they work; these presumably came from radical groups opposed to the coup d’état. Finally, Dagoberto Rodríguez of Radio Cadena Voces has also suffered acts of aggression and threats presumably made by groups that belong to the resistance movement.
Attacks on Media Outlets
As has been stated previously, the IACHR observed a growing polarization that has manifested itself, among other ways, in the form of violent attacks by private individuals against the communications media. Such attacks appear to have intensified in recent weeks.
Information was received about an attempted attack on Radio América on June 30, when a bomb was placed on the broadcaster’s premises in Tegucigalpa. On the night of July 4, in Tegucigalpa, an unidentified individual allegedly left an explosive device in the Centro Comercial Prisa, the shopping center where the offices of the newspaper Tiempo and Channel 11 are located. At the end of July, an explosive device was found against the Channel 6 facilities in San Pedro Sula. On August 14, hooded and armed individuals burned a vehicle that was delivering the newspaper La Tribuna. The next day, unidentified persons launched five Molotov cocktails against the building of the daily El Heraldo; these nearly caused a fire in the newspaper’s offices.
Based on Article 13 of the American Convention on Human Rights, the State has the international obligation to guarantee and protect freedom of expression. It should refrain from using direct or indirect mechanisms of intimidation and should protect the life and physical integrity of members of the media, whatever their editorial stance. Consequently, the Commission urges the State to respect the free exercise of this right; refrain from using direct or indirect forms of intimidation or censorship; investigate acts of aggression to which members of the media and media outlets have been victims; protect the life and physical integrity of members of the media as well as the installations of media outlets; and promote an atmosphere of tolerance and pluralism that allows for the widest possible debate on public issues.
Conclusion
The Commission confirmed during this visit that the coup d’état of June 28 has created a situation of democratic illegitimacy that has a negative impact on the fulfillment of the human rights of all the people of Honduras.
The Commission confirmed the existence of a pattern of disproportionate use of public force on the part of police and military forces, arbitrary detentions, and the control of information aimed at limiting political participation by a sector of the citizenry. This resulted in the deaths of at least four persons, dozens of injuries, thousands of arbitrary detentions, the temporary shutdown of television channels, and threats and assaults against journalists.
The Commission verified the existence of a sharp polarization that has influenced the communications media and that affects the free flow of information and the possibility of a vigorous, unrestrained debate of issues related to the interruption of the institutional order. The Commission was also able to confirm the existence of serious restrictions to the exercise of freedom of expression coming from the de facto government, which have generated an atmosphere of intimidation that inhibits the free exercise of freedom of expression. Finally, the Commission was able to prove the existence of death threats and violent attacks from various sectors against journalists and media outlets due to their editorial position.
Based on the American Convention on Human Rights, ratified by the State in 1977, the State has the international obligation to prevent violations of human rights when they occur, and to investigate, try, and punish those responsible. To this effect, the Commission urges the State to respect the right to life, to humane treatment, to individual liberty, and to freedom of expression.
The Commission would especially like to call attention to the valuable work of human rights defenders. They have played a key role in obtaining information and in working to protect people’s rights, under conditions of personal risk.
The Commission will continue to observe the human rights situation in Honduras in the context of the coup d’état and will make its final report on this visit public in the near future.
The bodies of the inter-American human rights system have maintained on repeated occasions that the democratic system is the principal guarantee for the observance of human rights. In this regard, the Commission considers that only the return to the democratic institutional system in Honduras will make it possible for the conditions to be in place for the effective fulfillment of the human rights of all the people of Honduras.
http://www.cidh.org/Comunicados/English/2009/60-09eng.Preliminary.Observations.htmThe abuses and failures of the de facto minister of culture: the dismissal of Dr. Dario Euraque
Monday, 24 August 2009 19:50
Once again the de facto minister of culture, Mirna Castro, has demonstrated its disrespect for the rule of law, I had tried before, to give the go-ahead to militarize a national monument, the former Presidential Palace, a protected heritage property by national law (Decree 220-97) and international conventions of UNESCO to the unknown lady. In this monument would enable an office, but now denies it, saying to enlist reservists prepare for "an invasion into Cuba of Hugo Chavez. "
Her latest outrage was to dismiss o Dr. Dario Euraque, manager of the Honduran Institute of Anthropology and History (IHAH) on August 20th . Such action is illegal because only the IHAH Board, comprising members from different Departments of State and academic institutions are empowered to remove from office the Chief. In fact, the historian Freddy Flores in a communication by e-mail states that: "as a member of the board of the institute, on behalf of the rectory of the University of Honduras, I was surprised it clear that it was not notified of such determination. More surprised even know that with the short time he has Mrs. Mirna Castro took over this important Secretary of State has not assessed the momentum that Dr. Euraque has given the Institute in all aspects of your competition. It is possible that cases political and uncultured affecting people with ability to work towards our culture, heritage and identity. " Dr. Euraque is willing to live "fighting for history," he will not give up. In official letter sent to the de facto minister, Dr. Euraque lets her know that "I ignore her dismissal notice. I hereby inform that the procedure was not according to the Honduran law. will initiate the procedures necessary to defend the legality and my rights. "
Dr. Darío A. Euraque
It is well known and also of its illegal conduct, the lawyer supposedly Castro operates with unsurpassed ignorance, until a writer support the regime of de facto coup said in a newspaper that "the inability of Ms. Castro is obvious" and recommends its facto removal from the cabinet. Castro's intolerance of free thought is such that staff prefers to surround herself with incompetent and experts who claim to be creeping in literature, popular culture or the arts apprentices doubtful.
La Tribuna, 13 de agosto de 2009 The Tribune, August 13, 2009
In a few weeks as de facto minister Castro has shown his desire to appear, recently paid coup spaces in newspapers to promote its image, picture included, wasting the limited budget of the Ministry of Culture. In one of those spaces sent paid salutations to the head of government unconstitutional (this reminds us in congratulating the staff and friends of the dictator Carias published in newspapers) and in another is aimed at young people, which is hypocritical because he has no interest in the training of youth if canceled outreach programs promoting books and reading by the Secretariat considered subversive. If it says why not dare to publish the "List of progressive and revolutionary books" supposedly published in the framework of ALBA, that is a fallacy. You may have learned, thanks to Natalie Roque, the tenacious and diligent historian, also dismissed by Castro for having disclosed the criminal past of the coup, that print media are factual record. History will judge historians and critics future scavengers in the documentary collections know that the Ministry of Culture had its sad and dark moment, when she-witch hunt, free prison of ideas, stepmother of the nation, usurping the position for which he never had the intellectual credentials .
A Portrait of Achievement Management Dr. Dario Euraque in front of IHAH Dr. Euraque is a historian whose work is internationally recognized. He is a professor at Trinity College in Connecticut since 1990. He requested a license to occupy the IHAH management in 2006-2010. He has published numerous books and essays in national foreign academic journals and on historiography, nation building, identity and ethno-racial issue. His book Capitalism San Pedro Sula and the Honduran Political History 1870-1972 (translation of the work in English Reinterpreting the Banana Republic: Region and State in Honduras, 1996), is a must read if you want to understand the process of class formation and regional development of the bourgeoisie of the North Coast and the working class and their implications for the development of modern state of Honduras. Dr. Euraque administration was characterized by high efficiency and by assembling a multidisciplinary team of competent professionals. Its management has endeavored to bring the communities IHAH mestizo and mestiza not to across the country, through constant visits of technical personnel and the development of training workshops and dissemination of cultural heritage. This has made possible the renovation of museums and the development of comprehensive research (archeology, ethnohistory, oral history and asset management) for the opening of new archaeological parks in Cortes, La Paz and Olancho. The Museum in the Fortress of Santa Barbara in Trujillo was renewed, and its visitors center for the first time, an area for the Garifuna and Pech sell their handicrafts to generate income. Moreover, there Pech offered the first book published by IHAH on Pech, also under Dr. Euraque management. Today the manager of the Fort in Trujillo is a Garifuna, for the first time ever since the Garifuna arrived in Trujillo in 1797. These actions are consistent with the commitment shown in his other books, entitled Conversations with History Mestizaje and National Identity, edited by writer Julio Escoto in an editorial in San Pedro Sula in 2004. Remarkable in these efforts, the project return to the truncated Currusté Archaeological Park in San Pedro Sula; initiative in 1978 was supported by the IHAH, but this was actually promoted and financially concocted by residents of this town, but the administration of IHAH 1982-1986 and subsequent disdain forgot. Currusté The project resumed in 2006, has completed three seasons of scientific research conducted by the University of Berkeley in cooperation with the IHAH, under a framework of participatory and archeology outreach. The interpretive plan and script Currusté museum park in addition to showing the archaeological knowledge accumulated over the Valle de Sula, particularly responsive to the concerns expressed its modern residents want to know about who lived in interviews with scholars, students, teachers and other audiences . That is why this park emphasizes currustecos everyday life and its relationship to the changing landscape of the Valley. This is a proposal that departs from the "vision of monumental archaeological discovery," which has belittled the inheritance of traits villages smaller-scale architectural and acknowledges that the slightest evidence sheds light on past societies and helps to understand the task of archeology as a discipline. In this project, like others in the Sula Valley, and in Comayagua and Santa Rosa de Copan, Dr. Euraque worked with major financial support from funds of cooperation and cultural heritage of the U.S. Embassy y el Departamento de Estado. and the Department of State. Similarly, the International Symposium on "Slavery, Citizenship and Memory: Minor Ports in the Caribbean and the Atlantic", held in late 2008 in San Pedro Sula and Omoa in historic fortress of San Fernando, was attended academics from various countries of the continent and the financial support of UNESCO and the Harriet Tubman Institute of Canada, one of the world's most prestigious centers on the investigation of slavery in the Americas and Africa. One purpose of this meeting was the discussion among experts from a script updated to Omoa covering social and cultural history and not just the military engineering and architectural past of the fortress, as had traditionally been done. ”That is, the new script is intended to showcase "the ancient archaeological wealth and historical, colonial and postcolonial Fortress and Caribbean environment, particularly its indigenous and African human settlements." In this symposium was attended by hundreds of researchers and students from Honduras. Similarly, there were workshops on topics in Tegucigalpa, so bring the capital a problem often relegated to the Caribbean coast of Honduras. Under Dr. Euraque management actions to disseminate the cultural diversity of Honduras past and present, have marginalized the recovery Copan. As he said: "My point is not to say that Honduras should not boast the Maya, we must, but not to the exclusion of cultural diversity and archaeological alive. "Dr. Euraque has brought continuity to Copan empowerment projects such as site of world heritage. Among his accomplishments include: the restoration of the Yellow River as site new space for visitors, preparation of plans and the interpretive plan for the new Museum of Copan Ruinas, the inauguration of the new building of the Regional Center for Archaeological Research (CRIA), the renewal and signing of agreements with Harvard, Pennsylvania, the University of Pigorini , Rome and Waseda University (Japan), among others, the restoration of fire-damaged sculptures in the Sculpture Museum, negotiation and draft Executive Decree on Private Land Expropriation Division of the Copan Valley, completion of the International Workshop on Technologies 3-D for archaeological research and the signing of the first Convention CONIMCH IHAH-Cultural Rescue of the Maya-Chorti.
Under his administration has boosted Dr. Euraque History Unit and the Unit of Historic Centers. Also, with the support of Dr. Rodolfo Pastor Fasquelle, Minister of Culture, from late 2006 he began to establish the Center for Historical Research Documentary Honduras (CDIHH), housed in the former Presidential Palace. The CIDHH today and running, there was a proposal to put a space to guard the documentary resources of the former National Archives of Honduras and other sources for the investigation, since the headquarters of the National Archives will become a Museum Casa Morazan.Today CDIHH also houses the archives of IHAH ethnohistorical, and the Library of IHAH, unique collections specializing in archaeological and ethnohistorical documentation. Similarly, the publications department of IHAH has lived its most prolific days. It has led the magazineIHAH to date , Yaxkin (in previous administrations usually it was published with delay of up to several years) following a rigorous editorial scrutiny. In addition, under the seal of IHAH and have been reprinted classic works of ethnography Honduras, as the work of Anne Chapman, and has given opportunities to local historians to bring out their investigations. A major effort has been the translation of books and articles on history and anthropology from Honduras originally published in Italian, German, English or French. Euraque was concerned to obtain copies of personal files of intellectual and historical characters that are outside of Honduras. His management has led to access the ethnographic and photographic acquis of Federico Lunardi in Italy, the documents collection of Heliodorus Rafael Valle deposited in the National Library of the National Autonomous University of Mexico, the Letters of Morazan, documents held by the Latin American Library Tulane University, and the diaries, field notes and artwork of pioneering archaeologists investigating the northern and eastern Honduras and located at the Universities of Harvard, Pennsylvania, Tulane, among others. It is noteworthy that his actions in the hiring of employees has been based on competence and not political patronage. Dr. Euraque has huge opening for professional women and has been serving the country's ethnic diversity hiring for the first Once in a Garifuna IHAH headquarters. In this crisis caused by the wrongful conduct of Mrs. Castro, Dr. Euraque has the support of the union of IHAH, the vast majority of employees of the institution, and solidarity national and foreign academics and professional associations of social scientists in Latin America and the United States. The collective voselsoberano.com sympathizes with Dr. Euraque and repudiates the illegal acts of the de facto minister.
Statements regarding Dr. Euraque:
................................................................................................... .................................................. .................................................
>> Consejo Directivo del IHAH >> Board of Directors of IHAH ................................................................................................... .................................................. ................................................. >> Casa de Morazán >> Casa Morazan ................................................................................................... .................................................. ................................................. >> Pronunciamiento de Universidades y académicos >> Statement of Universities and academic
'The transnational oil clan behind the coup plotter'
Lunes 24 de Agosto de 2009 19:46 Monday August 24, 2009 19:46
In an interview with Telesur, the writer Julio Escoto (1944) admits: "It is impressive to see crowds met without violence to the police and army, shaking their shields, stop hitting, college students returning them tear gas canisters, throwing stones, to old men and old leaders, who participated in the great strike of 1954, calling for democracy, and this is exciting, makes me proud to watch my nation that resists and does not sink, he has faith in his ability to regain the freedom "
TeleSUR _ 24/08/2009 Julio Escoto, Premio Nacional de Literatura de Honduras (1974), es autor de: Los Guerreros de Hibueras (1967); La balada del herido pájaro y otros cuentos (1969); El árbol de los pañuelos (1972). 24/08/2009 TeleSUR _ Julio Escoto, Premio Nacional de Literatura de Honduras (1974) is author of: The Warriors of Higueras (1967), The Ballad of the wounded bird and other stories (1969), The Tree of handkerchiefs ( 1972). Antología de la poesía amorosa en Honduras (1975); Casa del Agua (1975); Días de ventisca, noches de huracán (1980); Bajo el almendro... Anthology of love poetry in Honduras (1975) Water House (1975) blizzard days, nights of Hurricane (1980); Under the almond ... junto al volcán (1988); El ojo santo: la ideología en las religiones y la televisión (1990); José Cecilio del Valle: una ética contemporánea (1990); El general Morazán marcha a batallar desde la muerte (1992); Rey del Albor, Madrugada (1993); Todos los cuentos (1999) y El génesis en Santa Cariba (2008). near the volcano (1988), The eye saint in religious ideology and television (1990), Jose Cecilio del Valle: a contemporary ethics (1990); General Morazán march to battle since the death (1992); King Albor, Madrugada (1993); All stories (1999) and The Santa Cariba genesis (2008). "What if someone got oil after the overthrow of President Zelaya?" Julio Escoto said earlier this month, a geopolitical variable neglected by other analysts and takes strength: "Now that the days have passed will be spelled out more clearly the great objective of the coup: the distribution of national assets, both the nature and the State ... Added to this is the existence and proven exploitable oil in an area of 1500 square kilometers in the Atlantic coast of Honduras and Nicaragua that could not be left appetizing dish, was served at the banquet of the transnational oil , which certainly Zelaya had limited the amount of their profits. The oil majors can not conceive of alliances that are not within the first world to exploit the resources of the third, and from there to resist terribly be other economic powerhouses " MC.-Parafraseándolo, y con el toque de queda a cuestas, ¿cómo transcurren las noches de huracán y los días de ventisca entre la represión golpista? Mk paraphrase, and the curfew in tow, how do hurricane nights and days of blizzard pass by during the repressive coup?
JE.- They elapse when it is fought , denouncing it, revealing it, forming awareness among convinced and unconvinced that this is not a civilized way of living because, although absurd, there are still people who believe that the words "order" and "civilization" naturally require the others: "stick" and "tear gas canister. Transcurren igual controlando la ira para transformarla en mensajes orientadores que impongan la cordura sobre la indignación, pues en su inicio la Resistencia ocupó que le advirtieran no permitir provocadores en sus filas, no aportar mártires sino luchadores, operar con cordura pero con valor y, sobre todo, mantener la vista fija en el objetivo central: restaurar lo constitucional. Like the anger pass control to turn it into oriented messages to impose sanity on the indignation, for in his home occupied Resistance warned him not to allow provocateurs in their ranks, but not make martyrs fighters operate but with courage and wisdom on However, keep eyes on the central goal: to restore the Constitution. Cuando puse aquel título a la novela ya había vivido yo el golpe de Estado de 1963 y la invasión salvadoreña de 1969, pero no creí que de llegar al siglo XXI iba a presenciar otra vez tales días y noches. When I put that title to the novel I'd already lived coup of 1963 and the Salvadoran invasion of 1969 but did not believe that to reach the century was to witness again such days and nights. MC.-Escribió un ensayo que bajo otras circunstancias parecería ficción: "El golpe del oro negro", sobre la posibilidad de extraer petróleo en Honduras; por si no fuera suficiente el estudio geopolítico con las consecuencias de la base militar de EE.UU. Mk-wrote an essay that under other circumstances would seem to fiction: "The shock of black gold," about the possibility of pumping oil in Honduras, for if not enough geopolitical study the consequences of U.S. military base en Palmerola, ahora propone la variable petrolera, ¿exportación de la doctrina del shock de Afganistán a Irak pasando por Honduras? Palmerola, now suggested by the variable oil exports "shock doctrine from Afghanistan to Iraq through Honduras? JE.-Ahora que han transcurrido los días se va precisando con mayor claridad el gran objetivo del golpe, cual es el reparto de los bienes nacionales, tanto de la naturaleza como del Estado. JE. "Now that the days have passed will be spelled out more clearly the great aim of the coup, which is the distribution of national assets, both the nature and state. Cada día es más obvio el concordato de la clase pudiente financiera con el poder militar, mejor dicho con el aparato represor militar. It is becoming obvious the Concordat of the financial upper class military power, rather with the repressive military apparatus. La semana pasada, por ejemplo, un diputado golpista propuso que se proceda pronto a vender los bienes incautados al narcotráfico ya quiebrabancos para financiar al gobierno, pero en verdad, en el fondo, para medrar y ganar comisiones; igual se propuso en el congreso modificar la ley de servicio militar para permitir reclutamiento forzoso en caso de emergencia pública, pero en realidad para acrecentar los batallones y contar con mayor fuerza represora; algunos diarios pro-golpe critican esta semana al sistema telefónico celular del Estado (Hondutel) precalificándolo de fracaso, pero en verdad con el propósito de eliminarlo y pasarlo a la telefonía privada, que ya cuenta con millones de usuarios por los que no paga impuesto; y luego el canal supuestamente educativo de televisión ha empezado a "informar" sobre la conveniencia de sustituir la producción térmica de energía por la originada de recursos naturales, lo que era un proyecto impulsado por el gobierno de Manuel Zelaya, con lo que se manifiesta que la empresa privada va por negocios multimillonarios que pudo emprender el Estado, en particular con apoyo de la ALBA. Last week, for example, a congressman suggested the appropriate coup soon selling property seized in drug smuggling and quiebrabancos to finance the government, but in truth, in essence, to thrive and earn commissions, as proposed in Congress to amend the military service law to allow conscription in case of public emergency, but actually to increase the battalions and have more repressive force, and some newspapers criticized pro-coup this week when the state cellular telephone system (Hondutel) prequalified failure, but in truth in order to eliminate it and transfer it to the private phone, which already has a million users who pay no taxes, and then the supposedly educational television channel has begun to "report" on the desirability of shifting production thermal energy caused by the natural resource, which was a project initiated by the government of Manuel Zelaya, which manifests that private enterprise will business billionaires who could take the state, particularly with the support of ALBA. Son los inmediatos productos del golpe. They are the immediate products of the coup. "A ello se agrega, lógico, la existencia ya comprobada de petróleo explotable en un área de 1500 kilómetros cuadrados en la costa Atlántica de Honduras y Nicaragua; tal plato apetitoso no podía dejarse, de ninguna manera, a la mesa de la "chusma" nacional, peor aliada con capitales estatales venezolanos, sino que conforme a la tradición capitalista mundial debía servirse en el banquete de las transnacionales petroleras, a las que por cierto Zelaya había limitado el monto de sus ganancias. Y como ya ocurría un clima de confrontación provocado por La Cuarta Urna - que en el fondo era el primer paso para convocar a la Asamblea Constituyente - y como el mismo partido de gobierno estaba dividido ideológica y políticamente, ni se necesitó accionar a los 800 soldados norteamericanos asentados en la base de Palmerola sino que la tribu local castrense obedeció a las órdene$ emitida$ por el clan con$pirador -los signos de dólar son intencionales; el rumor es que los generales fueron abundantemente pagados-" "We must add, logical and verified the existence of exploitable oil in an area of 1500 square kilometers in the Atlantic coast of Honduras and Nicaragua as appetizing dish could not be left in any way, to the table of the" rabble " national, state capitals worst allied with Venezuela, but under the global capitalist tradition was served at the banquet of the transnational oil companies, which by the way Zelaya had limited the amount of their profits. And as it happened a climate of confrontation caused by The Fourth urn - which basically was the first step to convene a Constituent Assembly - and as the ruling party itself was divided ideologically and politically, neither was required to operate the 800 U.S. soldiers settled on the basis of Palmerola but The local tribe was due to military orders issued $ $ for $ ventilator-clan with the dollar signs are intentional, the rumor is that the generals were abundantly paid-" MC.-He ahí el dilema: ¿Artículos "pétreos" de la Constitución o derivados petroleros? Mk-Here is the dilemma: "Articles" stone "of the Constitution or petroleum derivatives? JE.-Su pregunta remite al meollo del asunto, a la rigidez de que habló Henri Bergson y que es la causa de los autoritarismos y de lo ridículo. JE. "Your question refers to the main point to the rigidity of Henri Bergson and speaking that is the cause of authoritarianism and the ridiculous. Las grandes petroleras no conciben alianzas que no sean dentro del primer mundo para explotar los recursos del tercero, y de allí que se resistan terriblemente a que surjan otros centros de poder económico, en este caso latinoamericanos. Big Oil can not conceive of alliances that are not within the first world to exploit the resources of the third, and from there to resist terribly be other economic powerhouses, in this case Latin America. Los constituyentes de la Carta Magna hondureña de 1980 igual partieron de su visión rígida del mundo, creyendo, como si fuera Biblia, que su palabra sería imperturbable y que nada debía cambiar. The constituents of the Honduran Constitution of 1980 also part of its rigid view of the world, believing, like Bible, his word would be undisturbed and that nothing should change. El mundo del humanismo moderno muestra que lo que carece de flexibilidad se quiebra. The world of modern humanism shows that what is broken lacks flexibility. MC.-Durante una visita oficial a México, el Presidente Zelaya explicó la innovadora licitación internacional para comprar combustibles a mejor precio; aunado al aumento del salario mínimo, su acercamiento al ALBA, la intencionalidad de una Asamblea Constituyente, ¿qué otros factores se debatieron al interior del país al punto que la oligarquía instauró un régimen de facto? Mk-During an official visit to Mexico, President Zelaya said the innovative international tender to buy fuel at a better price, coupled with the minimum wage increase, its approach to the ALBA, the intention of the Constituent Assembly, what other factors are discussed within the country to the point that the oligarchy established a de facto regime? JE.-Otro aspecto de importancia fue la lucha interna del Partido Liberal entre la dirigencia usual, de la tradición, y nuevas fuerzas llamémosle "contestatarias", si bien lo fueron sólo ligeramente. JE.-Another important factor was the internal struggle between the Liberal Party leadership usual, tradition, and new forces call it "rebellious", but they were only slightly. La vieja guardia de Carlos Flores Facussé y otros caudillos a lo siglo XIX vieron riesgo de que gentes más jóvenes variaran el credo conformista, incluso neoliberal, del partido y se alzaran con la dirigencia, que es lo que se supone lograría Zelaya y su grupo de los "patricios" si triunfaba la convocatoria a la Constituyente. The old guard of Carlos Roberto Flores and other leaders in the nineteenth century saw a risk that young people vary conformist creed, even neo-liberal party and would rise with the leadership, which is what is supposed achieved Zelaya and his group the "patriots" if successful in convening the Constituent Assembly. El suceso del golpe vino a probar, así, que había oposición del Partido Nacional pero igual dentro del Liberal ya que la propuesta de Zelaya atentaba contra el sistema. The success of the coup came to prove, well, there was opposition National Party but still within the Liberal since the proposal went against the system Zelaya. El sistema de expoliación del Estado por parte de esos dirigentes como de la claque económica; el sistema de la corrupción institucionalizada; del aprovechamiento de los beneficios del Estado: en Honduras las transnacionales mineras pagan 11% de canon mientras que un gambusino que explora en los ríos en busca de oro tasa el 40%; las franquicias de comida rápida no pagan impuestos, por ampararse a la ley de fomento del turismo, pero un hondureño que instale un restaurantito de hamburguesas paga 100% de impuestos, eso es también parte del viciado sistema. The system of theft of state by such leaders as the economic claque, the system of institutionalized corruption, the exploitation of the benefits of the state: transnational mining companies in Honduras 11% of fees paid while a miner in exploring rivers for gold rate 40%; fast food franchises do not pay taxes, to invoke the law to promote tourism, but a Honduran to install a small restaurant hamburger paid 100% taxes, that is also part of the flawed system. "The beneficiaries of the system left without passing in Congress: the law of mining, because mining companies were unhappy with the proposal that favored the nation's new telecommunications law, because owners of large chains (some even with 200 frequencies radio and television) did not suit them to open the electromagnetic spectrum, the adopted system of emergency last June, the formulas of referendum and plebiscite but tied in the regulation as it is almost impossible for people to make use of them to precisely modify the system. After this no trouble identifying the hidden and veiled coup " MC.- Mk-You are a student of religion and ideology in television, what exemplifies the coup in both areas?, I ask because a Honduran bishop intends to nominate to the November presidential elections and mass media are the backbone Micheletti's dictatorship ... JE.- The "beautiful" thing about the coup, if this phrase can be coined , is unveiled with terrible clarity to what is kept hidden. It made masks fall. The pain helped thousands and millions of people understand that certain words are attributed to an exclusively theoretical intention as "oligarchs", are intensely real and true. Suddenly this oligarchy was precisely identified even with faces that circulate widely on the Internet, with definition of their businesses and fortunes, their betrayals and manipulations. A face of suspected interference appeared increasingly but was kept vague, and that capital is held by the ethnic Arab-Lebanese and Palestinians, mostly with strong presence in Honduras if I am not mistaken, after Antofagasta, San Pedro Sula is the city with the highest influx of Arab descent, in fact extremely conservative
"The masks also dropped off the face of pastors and priests, as personified in honor of other worthy priests and pastors who joined the Resistance and helped strengthen the insubordinate decision of the people. The most painful thing in this matter was the thrice refusal -metaphorically- of the hitherto respected Cardinal OA Rodriguez, who without having to do this, but responding to his status and his training class cassock, he embodied the coup, endorsed it and certified it. This has been a profound disappointment in love that no-one expected. But now people are clear that no religion can never be separated from politics " MC.- To an international level, what distractions are emphasized?, "Qualifiers of the World Cup?," H1N1 influenza? JE.- Mostly two : the elections and the way to the World Cup. . Already there are proponents of a third solution: Mel and Micheletti should resign and the State Supreme Court President should take charge , though he has been accused by different people of corruption, I do not even know him. Early elections would validate the coup, we do not wish this, want or can not even contemplate, less ask to waive Zelaya's right to restore constitutionality. If he wants to resign the next day on the throne, perfect, but not before. At this time thousands of cars traveling the streets of San Pedro Sula are requesting the return of Mel, but not him per se, but because democracy is forced to pass through his return. "Football is a great distractor but it seems that the awareness gained by the public is now so broad and mature, as was the case, there is the pleasure of marching in protest all day and then attend the stadium at night. It seems that people have learned to fight and enjoy, even jokes circulating Micheletti, suggesting that if people handle the humor in such a critical situation, it means that they lost the fear and are confident that they will achieve what they want. "Only the strong smile against danger " "But it looks that what has begun in Honduras is not a situation but a process. Many people say that with or without Mel convening the Constituent Assembly and the reform of the constitution, equivalent to the reform of state is valid. Let the awareness and training policy that has gained priority these days not be lost and it will lead to profound national changes . The subsequent months and years will tell whether this was just a wound or a transformation " MC.-You say, "only the strong smile when exposed to danger ', do you plan to caricaturize in a chronicle, the pathetic role of the coup? JE. "I know of at least four drafts of what happens now. There are so many extraordinary photographs enough to cover buildings with its display of rebellion and dignity, as well as brutality and repression. Every day I spend at least two hours to read or delete the hundreds of emails traversing the Internet, which relate to the crisis do not know if in future I will write something comprehensive about it, maybe. MC. On July 24th 1941, Neruda read a sentence of Simón Bolívar, "He said, I awaken every hundred years / When the people wake up " and in Canto general (1950) dedicated a poem to Central America: "High is the night and Morazan watches / You are crumbled by children and worms /vermins spread on you / and a dagger with thy blood splatters you "When will Morazan march for Central America again, and what do you make out of reading the poems written by the resistance Honduras? JE.- "A novel of mine called the Morazan's march to battle from death (1992), and it is already happening. Without unpretentious folk or unnecessary pedantry, mobilization is happening now in Honduras, and for nearly sixty days, it is extraordinary, heroic and epic. I always heard my parents and grandparents say that the Honduran people are enduring all and are unresponsive, but "the day when people awaken, it will be terrible," and it is being terrible. "What abounds, is the music dedicated to stimulate resistance, poems and songs from several places in the world-France, Venezuela ..." that raise the esteem of those who sacrifice daily to restore the damaged. There is one song about the Pharisees, ie the 'white' marchers and worthy artists are ashamed to be associated with 'them', ie with the coup plotters. Of course, the contras, as well they are appointed, have their intellectual acolytes and bodyguards, but are not significant and, worst, since 60 days have not been able to vary the explanations and justifications of their speech. There are no new arguments and, as suspected, they will be soon even without voice, for they will run out the string at Zelaya's return and when civility is restored" MC.-President Salvador Allende in his last speech said: "They have strength, can dominate us, but the social processes do not stop through neither crime nor force. History is ours, and people make history", is the resistance to the coup in Honduras the confirmation of the great mall? JE.-. "Absolutely yes, as is also the ritornello of the Tupac Amaru beautiful poem, that of" want to kill him and can not kill him. " Una de las canciones más queridas y sonadas del momento en las radios alternativas (a las que habría que dedicar extensísimo capítulo de admiración por su arrojo y valentía) fue compuesta por Liliana Felipe y Jesusa Rodríguez, dos artistas mexicanas, y su leit motiv reza: "nos tienen miedo porque no tenemos miedo" ... One of the most beloved songs and most played at the moment on alternative radio (which should be devoted very extensive chapters of admiration for their bravery and courage) was composed by Jesusa Rodriguez and Liliana Felipe, two Mexican artists, and its leitmotif reads: "We are afraid because we are not afraid" ... It's impressive, Mario, body hair stands on end, to see crowds met without violence to the police and army, shaking their shields, stop hitting, college students returning them tear gas canisters, throwing stones at elderly leaders and old-who participated in the great Honduran banana strike of 1954, or Denise Diaz, the commander grandmother, who at 75 years he has participated in all gears of resistance megaphone in hand, crying out for democracy, and this is exciting, I proud of my nation look that resists and does not sink, he has faith in his ability to regain freedom. Desde luego, debe declararse, que la solidaridad internacional es la llama que da pábilo a esta heroica resistencia nacional. Of course, should be declared, that international solidarity is the flame that gives wick to the heroic national resistance. "It is a transcendent phenomenon. We know the lawyers, and intuit the illiterate, we are in the eyes of the world and if we succeed we let this blow will have been the people that allowed the initiation of the gorillas' return to America, which does not we must allow. We know that we should not we go down in history for that spot, while the spot of a small country and does not stain. Yet we are as bound as doomed, say so, to wash them. And that's what we are doing every day, each time stronger and more confident. That there is nobody to stop you, and not be arrogant or overly optimistic, because if not resolved and, in days, were won in years but conquer. We have discovered the principle of honor, courage and dignity and that is that 'we are afraid because we are not afraid' " MC.-Finally, will you write a second installment to the infamous military in Honduras? JE.- "My novel: King of Albor, Madrugada (1993) broadly covers quality-I hope-the themes of the dictatorship and the dirty war. Recently I concluded another large work, which is a continuation of that and talking about drug trafficking and money laundering, to see when it is published. In truth, I realize now, I think I'm a little lazy or busy into action, watching another great writer called the people of Honduras write their own essay of freedom and redemption. I never get tired of praising it , for I repeat, it is a historical and exciting read. Mario Casasús Mario Casasús
Murders, disappearances and sexual abuses - the IACHR found in the country
The report of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) reports savage human rights violations ranging from murder, enforced disappearances to rape women.
On Friday night, the Commission released the preliminary report of inspection made in the country, which tells how four people were killed in demonstrations and even the Human Rights Commissioner Ramon Custodio, absolved the military saying they used bullets rubber, the IACHR had access to a report from the military that says police fired "against a segment of the protesters."
Also, delegates of the Organization of American States (OAS) met forensic reports which stated that the bullets that killed the protesters are the same forces used in their weapons.
In order of severity is the record of five people who participated in the demonstrations and are missing after incidents of repression of the marches. Then there are physical attacks where people with gunshot wounds, multiple fractures beatings and even a person who lost the ear by a bullet that inferred a policeman.
According to the report, police and soldiers do not respect the elderly and there is a row of an old man who was on a park bench and was savagely clubbed because he had the misfortune to see when torturing a child.
Sexual harrassment The violations documented by extending to sexual insults, as is the case of a woman in the northern soldiers who chased after break up a demonstration and using the hit in a lonely place sexually abused her. A otra mujer la dejaron desnuda del ombligo hacia arriba y la garrotearon. Another woman left her naked belly button up and the clubs. Men are not spared these indignities because there are medical records of people who've hit homers in the testicles and buttocks, according to the document. The report highlights that the suppression of "de facto government" went so far that in the area of El Paraiso, Nicaragua border, where there were curfews for days to oppose the "rule of force" or leave were not allowed to buy water and food, while related to the "coup" circulated freely.
Freedom of speech has been the favorite victim of the "de facto government," according to the report, as it highlights the closure and militarization of media, placing explosives such as occurred on July 4 in the building where WEATHER Journal and Channel 11 and attacks on journalists and photographers as happened against Hector photojournalist Clara, this newspaper. Members of the Commission referred to the discrimination of public advertising of the "de facto government" that attacks the media who do not support the "de facto authorities.
Diario Tiempo note
U.S. Academics Human Rights Watch urge to take action on abuses in Honduras
Domingo 23 de Agosto de 2009 16:16 Sunday 23 August 2009 16:16
Washington, August 21. 93 scholars and experts from Latin American institutions such as Yale, Harvard and the University of New York sent an open letter to Human Rights Watch today urged the organization to put in several important rights violations human in Honduras under the coup regime, and to urge them to conduct their own research. The signatories, who include renowned experts in Latin America, including Eric Hershberg, John Womack, Jr. and Greg Grandin, experts in Honduras as Dana Frank and Adrienne Pine and known authors such as Noam Chomsky, John Pilger and Naomi Klein, believe that Human Rights Watch could help force the Obama administration to denounce abuses and put greater pressure on the regime. Highlighting "killings politically motivated, hundreds of arbitrary arrests, violent repression of unarmed demonstrators, mass arrests of political opponents, and other violations of basic human rights, "the letter said that Human Rights Watch has issued a declaration or statement on the situation in Honduras from 8 July to a little over a week after the coup of June 28.
The signatories write, "... the coup could be easily reversed if the Obama administration seek to do so, by taking more decisive steps, such as the cancellation of all U.S. visas and freeze bank accounts leaders of the coup regime. The letter comes just a day after Amnesty International published a new report on human rights violations by the coup regime to end the protests, and the time when the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (part of the Organization of American States) sent a delegation to collect evidence of violations of Honduras. The author of the Amnesty International report, Esther Major, said:
"That the report was released to appeal to the international community to take steps to" prevent human rights crisis occurring in Honduras.
Statement workers of the Honduran Institute of Anthropology and History
Tuesday, 25 August 2009 08:36
Workers of the Honduran Institute of Anthropology and History, energetically to the mistakes and illegalities of the current de facto regime in the country's cultural institutions, and specifically with the Honduran Institute of Anthropology and History, is pronounced as follows:
1. The office OS-425-2009 dated August 20, 2009 addressed to General Manager Dr. Dario Euraque with the object of his removal from office is illegal and unfair.
2. We do not recognize any authority appointed by this Government in fact, covered by Article 3 of our Constitution of the Republic, which provides that no obedience is due to a usurper government or to those who assume public office or employment by the force of arms. Acts verified by these authorities are zero therefore the only General Manager is Dr. Dario IHAH Euraque Achilles, appointed in the Constitutional Government.
3. The Honduran Institute of Anthropology and History in its vital role as guarantor, protector and curator of the Cultural Heritage of Honduras can not be subject to provisions illegitimate, nor imposed by the same authorities as the wealth of heritage is an asset that belongs to the State of Honduras and the World, for this reason must be managed by competent professionals, capable and committed to the institutional work.
4. Dr. Euraque Darius has the full support and solidarity from all employees in all regions. We recognize the important work he has done for institutional management and advances in innovative projects to protect cultural heritage and its wide dissemination nationally and internationally.
5. We have the support of all social organizations in the country, grouped under the National Resistance Front, as well as the support and solidarity of the Latin American Federation of Workers of Tourism.
Tegucigalpa, MDC 24 de agosto de 2009 Tegucigalpa, MDC August 24, 2009
"PEOPLE WITHOUT CULTURE ARE PEOPLE WITHOUT A FUTURE"
EMPLOYEES of the Honduran Institute
La fotografía de los hombres con pasamontañas (centro) apareció en El Universal de Venezuela. El primer párrafo de la nota publicada por ese diario sudamericano dice: "La anarquía dentro de 23 de Enero se agudizó. Durante 2009, el número de homicidios aumentó en relación con 2008, el alquiler de armas y el tráfico de droga se hicieron más frecuentes y menos clandestinos y la proliferación de bandas (ya no de "colectivos sociales") se volvió recurrente".
La Prensa jamás entrevistó, como asegura en este texto (en el círculo), a las fuentes citadas. Usted puede realizar la comparación con el reportaje publicado por el diario de Argentina.
Qué diario más mierda! Pero hasta cuándo las personas van a dejar de leer esta basura? Pueblo, despierte!