Click on the images for better view:
Two pictures, the first in Honduras during the siege outside the embassy of Brazil where President Manuel Zelaya took shelter, the second for three days in the Mediterranean Sea a few minutes before the Israeli army assault on the ship that brought humanitarian aid to the population of Gaza.
One can observe some details in the clothing of the soldiers, the helmet, ski masks, etc..
Right here in NS, we denounced at the time, when it happened, the Zionist involvement with the coup in Honduras, the latest sophisticated equipment and the operators who handled them were Israelites.
The artificial Zionist state and its fascist mercenaries are not so far from Latin America as it seems, they are close, very close, probably in any part of our countries.
Source: http://hondurasenlucha.blogspot.com/2010/06/israel-violento-fisica-y-mentalmente-al.html
Source: http://hondurasenlucha.blogspot.com/2010/06/israel-violento-fisica-y-mentalmente-al.html
Pro Coup Honduran Newspaper: Thanks to the Israeli army, now Honduras('de facto government) has it (A sonic weapon used against the protesters and President Manuel Zelaya while he was taking refuge in the Brazilian Embassy in Tegucigalpa)
See original article in Spanish here: http://www.latribuna.hn/web2.0/?p=44108
" Sonic Cannon" for troublemakers
TEGUCIGALPA .- The National Police used for the first time top technology against members of the "Resistance", by using the "sonic cannon", which has helped to lower violence among followers of Manuel Zelaya.
The "Screamer" has been mounted on a cart "pan" and is being used to disperse the demonstrators.
The demonstrators threw stones and sticks, a white car passed by with two policemen and an equal number of soldiers, with two unknown devices, like sound speakers, but not conventional, looking modern.
A few seconds later, it emits a sound that cuts the air: The agitated crowd falls into panic, they cover their ears and contort with pain.
It is the ultimate secret weapon for some time supplied by the Israeli army, used publicly only now after many years of experimentation.
The "sonic cannon" designed to disperse and deter numbers of people, which was named "Screamer" is a non-lethal device capable of issuing loud annoying frequency.
While not a deadly weapon, it can cause convulsion, nausea and terrible headaches, already by being many meters away.
The use of the Screamer is an unprecedented event, which represents a significant change in urban guerrilla tactics.
Thanks to the Israeli army, now Honduras has it, which is used to neutralize the violent members of the "Resistance."
_________________________
_________________________
Israeli Commandos with Experience in Palestine and Colombia are Training the Honduran Armed Forces
AUTHOR: Dick EMANUELSSON
Translated by Machetera
Listen to the original audio interview
There are paramilitary structures that are working in coordination with the armed forces, says the undisputed leader of the human rights struggle in Honduras, Andrés Pavón, in regard to the latest casualty of the dictatorship of the Honduran putschists.
It's not that strange. The main professors of state terrorism come from the Zionist state in order to teach their methods of death, intelligence and terror, and they know how to sustain a state against a population that is fighting for its constitutional rights or recognition. Or, as in Honduras's case, for the re-establishment of democracy. The interview with Andrés Pavon follows and can also be heard here.
Tegucigalpa - August 2, 2009 - We're facing the COPEMH building, which is the professional association for middle education, and we also are speaking with Dr. René Andrés Pavón, who is the President of the Honduran Human Rights Commission (CODEH).
Dick Emanuelsson (DE): Yesterday CODEH put out a news release denouncing a variety of things, among them that Micheletti's de facto government has contracted with Israeli commandos or people to train the Honduran military/police forces. What we know from the civil war in Colombia is that these commandos have also been advising the Colombian military forces. What are the Israelis doing here?
Andrés Pavón (AP): Until now what we know is that their mission is to prepare the Armed Forces and the police to aggressively and violently dissuade the demonstrations, by committing crimes of a selective nature in order to build fear, staged terror, and achieve a dismantling of the resistance. Other actions they are undertaking involve certain employees of private security firms putting on police uniforms and acting aggressively against the demonstrators. The police have already sort of been trained to dissuade demonstrations and are a bit fearful about attacking the demonstrators so that it's as if a bit of their human rights training lingers. On the other hand, the security guards are being paid double and their immunity is guaranteed. These are the practices that they are developing, using the experience of the conflict in Palestine and after having put into practice some of these actions in Colombia.
DE: What's the count up to now, we're five weeks out from the coup d'etat - how many people have died and how many have been detained, tortured, beaten?
AP: We have a register that since the beginning of the curfew has registered more than 2,200 people arbitrarily detained and deprived of their freedom. And in direct actions undertaken to break up demonstrations we have registered more than 600 people. There are more than 120 people wounded, and three people have been killed in direct actions during demonstrations, with another three whose deaths are characteristic of deaths planned and directed by these groups.
For the first time we're going to announce the fact that during the curfew more than 37 homicides via firearms took place while the police and the army were in control of the streets. We are going to ask for the names of those victims in order to make the pertinent investigations in light of the fact that the main suspect is the State.
The Magdiel Case
A photo published on page 62 of the La Tribuna newspaper published in Tegucigalpa shows a soldier dressed in olive green camouflage and a military helmet, dragging Magdiel.
One important detail is that the firearm he is carrying in his right hand is similar to an M16 but smaller. This kind of firearm is only used by members of the Armed Forces, specifically the Army.
Relatives in Tegucigalpa were able to easily identify Magdiel when they saw the photo in La Tribuna of his capture, by his clothing and his face. At the same time the news was coming out on the radio about the dead man found in El Paraíso and through the descriptions they knew immediately that it had to do with a member of their family.
The police in El Paraíso tried to confuse the issue by reporting that two young men had been captured smoking marijuana, were taken to jail and later released. But these arrests had no relation whatsoever to Pedro Magdiel, who was taken from the road out of El Paraíso where he actively participated in the protests and brought to the immigration post at Las Manos, as proven by plenty of photographs and videos.
An army officer should clarify who delivered the arrested man and thereby determine who tortured and murdered him. Magdiel had at least 47 superficial stab wounds in his back and some of his fingers broken, bruises on his arms, and a wound on his head and neck.
According to the doctor who attended the transport of the body [for autopsy], he died at around 2 a.m., in other words, some ten hours after his detention. The obvious question is "Where did they keep him?" if we accept as a given the police version which is that he never was in a police cell.
However, El Paraíso police gave notice at 6:45 a.m. that a cadaver had been found. This was stated by the head of the National Directorate for Criminal Investigation in the zone.
On various occasions, police spokesmen have denied arresting people.
The same day that Magdiel showed up dead they denied the arrest of some forty people whom the international press managed to prove were being held in jail cells belonging to the National Police within El Paraíso Department. That led to aggression against various journalists, but it allowed for the arrival of human rights defenders and at 6 p.m. that day they managed to get everyone released, including some 10 minors, one of whom was 11 years old.
Those who ought to be answering questions are the Commander of the 110th Infantry Brigade, Colonel Alcides Flores García, Infantry Lieutenant Colonel Edilberto Recarte Ocampo, the Commander of the Sixth Batallion and Infantry Colonel Arcadio Castillo Martinez, commander of the Ninth Infantry Battalion. These are the main military units in the area of El Paraíso and the person who appears in the photo taking Pedro Magdiel away surely belongs to one of them.
What is clear is that the death of the young man from the capital has nothing to do with common delinquency, as claimed by the head or the Armed Forces, Romeo Vásquez Velásquez, and at the very least it was one of his subordinates who was responsible for capturing him. Therefore it is the Armed Forces who are being called upon to clarify the situation.
Pedro Magdiel Muñoz Salvador was active in the creation of a bonfire on Friday afternoon, was possibly filmed by a policeman and, according to the versions told by the organizers, was filmed by a variety of demonstrators when he was supposedly arrested by the police.
According to other witnesses, the police had him under arrest until 6:30 a.m., Saturday July 25th, when he was released.
At 7:00 a.m., that is, 30 minutes after he was released, his dead body was found in a deserted field, 100 meters away from a police barrier, next to the wall of a coffee processor/bodega.
After the police removed the body in the presence of the prosecutor and the medical forensic examiner and two representatives from COFADEH, the medical examiner estimated that the time of death was 8-10 hours prior.
What does this say?
The body was removed at exactly 12 noon, Saturday.
Pedro Magdiel Muñoz Salvador died therefore, between 2 and 4 a.m. on Saturday.
If the versions of the witnesses coincide, in that the police released Mr. Pedro Magdiel Muñoz Salvador at 6:30 a.m. on Saturday morning, this means that Pedro Magdiel Muñoz Salvador's death occurred while he was in police custody.
El Heraldo, the Honduran newspaper that goes so far as to use Photoshop to erase the blood of Honduran victims in its photos in order to conceal the consequences of the coup d'etat, reported with record speed that at 12:22 p.m. - just 22 minutes after the removal of the body had begun from the eastern part of the country, while the process to determine the causes of Mr. Muñoz's death had not even finished - that the national police had nothing to do with his arrest, according to their spokesman, Javier Cerrato.
So who was it that arrested him then?
1. On Saturday afternoon a National Police Van, series "COE-16," TEG with the insignia "Servir y Proteger" (To Serve and Protect) filled with Cobra commando units, made a high speed incursion, pointed their weapons at the people and shot in the air while throwing tear gas canisters. Two people were run over by this vehicle which deviated ten meters before the wall of soldiers on the right side of another highway. There they turned around and returned but turned once again toward Las Manos, practically bowling over the wall of soldiers and police.
2. One policeman (photographed) was tasked with filming and registering the demonstrators. I asked the prosecutor after the body was taken if they could ask to review the contents of the video and identify the police who were doing this work, an important point in order for all of the elements in the investigation to be analyzed and thereby reach a hypothesis to close the murder case. The prosecutor said that anything that may resolve the case is possible, in other words including requisitioning the police video.
3. If Pedro Magdiel Muñoz Salvador appears in this video, something that is highly likely considering that he was very active in the "construction" of the bonfire and barricade, carrying, as one woman told us, tires and tree branches, tree trunks and vegetation (that made a lot of smoke), then who, apart from the soldiers, police and uniformed officers grouped behind, watching through binoculars, has knowledge of the contents of the video where, surely, the faces of the demonstrators active that Saturday can be seen?
4. The young brickmason, an activist with the National Resistance Front Against the Coup D'Etat, met a terrible death; victim of sadists who tortured him, surely over a long period, taking into account that he was arrested around 5 p.m. in the afternoon on Friday and died between 2 and 4 a.m. on Saturday morning.
5. In Honduras, which sectors of society historically or presently practice such cruelty and insensitivity?
*The following links are to the photographs of the lifeless victim. They are presented as material for the complaint.
Following photographs of the victim, included in the complaint, has been taken by Mirian Huezo Emanuelsson.
Fuente: Centro independiente de noticias, México, 29 de julio de 2009
Source : Independent News Center, Mexico, July 29, 2009
DE: As for the death of the young man, Pedro Magdiel, in El Paraíso on the 24th and 25th of July, now there's also a photo that came out in the La Tribuna newspaper the same day as the uprising, where a soldier can be seen dragging this boy who showed up dead the following day. How far has the investigation gone in this case?
AP: Yes, we have an investigation going in regard to Magdiel's case; he was the first to be taken by the police and it has the obvious characteristics of an extra-judicial murder. We know that in Danli, in el Paraiso, there are paramilitary groups who are working in coordination with the armed forces and the police there; we believe that this boy was delivered by the police to these groups who committed this barbaric crime. Today we also noted the death of another teacher who was stabbed in the same way as the killing at El Paraíso.
DE: Has there been another death?
AP: There's been another death, a teacher that supposedly left here at two in the morning, his name is Martín Flores Ribera Barrientos, he was killed in the Colonia Centroamérica neighborhood, he was going from here to his house and was stabbed in a taxi. This tells us that there's a well known model of aggressive conduct by the state.
Another strategy is that the Israelis are training a group to instill in people's minds the idea that those of us who are leaders in this movement have a terrorist past or that we're tied to the same structure as the police. That's what somebody told me yesterday who was trying to put up posters, sticking them on walls in order to create distrust in the part of the population that still lacks awareness about the leaders in this country. According to them, they want the people to think that way; it's a historic strategy in Latin America, and later they try to justify the death of certain leaders as a result of this contradiction.
DE: The reason all these people are here outside the COPEMH headquarters is that yesterday at 1 a.m., the 38 year old Roger Vallejo, a leader of this association, died as a result of a sniper's attack last Wednesday when the National Front Against the Coup D'Etat took the Tegucigalpa North Highway. What is known of that? Because it's already the second sniper-caused death. The first was at the airport on July 5 and now we have another death where a sniper supposedly shot this man.
AP: It's a premeditated killing with certain selective characteristics. They chose a teacher in order to affect one of the associations that presently makes up part of the resistance and has a lot of people tied to the resistance. Everything indicates that it was premeditated. The doctrine of the Rome Statute under which this may come to the International Criminal Court establishes that it's not necessary that the shooter's name be known - it is sufficient to know the name of the person who is directing the repressive policies against a large grouping of the civil population, with the intent to provoke a certain natural psychological reaction among the people. In that regard, well, no doubt, there will come a time when the premeditated act will be the object of a formal denunciation against the organizations who, certainly, in this country are tied to the repressive structures of the State. But that will allow us to prove to the prosecutor for the International Criminal Court that there is something happening here and that what's happening is State policy and that this State policy contributes to the generation of all the repressive acts we're presently experiencing.
DE: Could the selection of this gentleman [as a target] also have been an expression of the advice given by the Israelis?
AP: Yes, of course! It has much in common with the characteristics of the Colombian conflict where there is a confrontation with correlated forces that are somewhat similar to an armed conflict. Here in Honduras, the correlation of forces is not similar to those in Colombia, here there are civilians who are armed with a courageous conscience, truth, and the only type of self-defense exercised once in awhile is that of a stick or a stone. They also have their methods for intervening in situations like this, similar to what has happened in Gaza and and the Westbank.
DE: Speaking of Colombia, when Obama became president, a lot of people had hopes that the warmongering policies of the United States would radically change. But what we've seen is that the Fourth Fleet, re-activated in July of last year, continues to sail from Alaska in the north to Patagonia in the south. Five new military bases are to be built in Colombia, among them three on the border with Venezuela and one in Málaga Bay, on the Pacific coast, between Central America and Ecuador. There's no sign that this war policy is going to end. If Hillary Clinton had wanted to do something with the Micheletti government, why have only the visas of four officials in the Micheletti government been canceled, something cosmetic? Or how should this be interpreted?
AP: What Obama says reflects a reality, and what his closest collaborators at the business level or this group known as the hawks have, is another discourse and practice. We read this as Mr. Obama encountering a conflict similar to that faced by other leaders in Latin America; here one has to bear in mind that there could also have been a coup in Bolivia, in Ecuador, in Nicaragua and El Salvador. It also is worth considering that there could be a coup in the United States sooner or later; these are things that seem impossible to dream of, but they could actually happen.
On the other hand there's still another reading of the conflict and this reading could be that the advisers closest to Obama are selling the idea that this is an opportunity to change policy and retake influence as Latin America's policeman. Because when we asked him not simply to withdraw visas we were practically asking for intervention in Honduras, so that we'd have a military intervention similar to what went down in Haiti and it's possible that in this way, Obama's government would try to gain prestige for itself in a situation like this.
I'm sure that if the Marines were to intervene in Honduras, they'd be applauded by a whole bunch of people that aren't here, without dreaming that we are opening the door to future interventions in Latin America and bringing back the Latin American police.
These are all possible details. Of course if that's what Obama's thinking, he's not going to do it right away, it would be a couple of months from now so that elections in Honduras could take place, completely tying up any possibility that President Zelaya might succumb to the social pressure which is demanding the creation of a national constituent assembly.
A photo published on page 62 of the La Tribuna newspaper published in Tegucigalpa shows a soldier dressed in olive green camouflage and a military helmet, dragging Magdiel.
One important detail is that the firearm he is carrying in his right hand is similar to an M16 but smaller. This kind of firearm is only used by members of the Armed Forces, specifically the Army.
Relatives in Tegucigalpa were able to easily identify Magdiel when they saw the photo in La Tribuna of his capture, by his clothing and his face. At the same time the news was coming out on the radio about the dead man found in El Paraíso and through the descriptions they knew immediately that it had to do with a member of their family.
The police in El Paraíso tried to confuse the issue by reporting that two young men had been captured smoking marijuana, were taken to jail and later released. But these arrests had no relation whatsoever to Pedro Magdiel, who was taken from the road out of El Paraíso where he actively participated in the protests and brought to the immigration post at Las Manos, as proven by plenty of photographs and videos.
An army officer should clarify who delivered the arrested man and thereby determine who tortured and murdered him. Magdiel had at least 47 superficial stab wounds in his back and some of his fingers broken, bruises on his arms, and a wound on his head and neck.
According to the doctor who attended the transport of the body [for autopsy], he died at around 2 a.m., in other words, some ten hours after his detention. The obvious question is "Where did they keep him?" if we accept as a given the police version which is that he never was in a police cell.
However, El Paraíso police gave notice at 6:45 a.m. that a cadaver had been found. This was stated by the head of the National Directorate for Criminal Investigation in the zone.
On various occasions, police spokesmen have denied arresting people.
The same day that Magdiel showed up dead they denied the arrest of some forty people whom the international press managed to prove were being held in jail cells belonging to the National Police within El Paraíso Department. That led to aggression against various journalists, but it allowed for the arrival of human rights defenders and at 6 p.m. that day they managed to get everyone released, including some 10 minors, one of whom was 11 years old.
Those who ought to be answering questions are the Commander of the 110th Infantry Brigade, Colonel Alcides Flores García, Infantry Lieutenant Colonel Edilberto Recarte Ocampo, the Commander of the Sixth Batallion and Infantry Colonel Arcadio Castillo Martinez, commander of the Ninth Infantry Battalion. These are the main military units in the area of El Paraíso and the person who appears in the photo taking Pedro Magdiel away surely belongs to one of them.
What is clear is that the death of the young man from the capital has nothing to do with common delinquency, as claimed by the head or the Armed Forces, Romeo Vásquez Velásquez, and at the very least it was one of his subordinates who was responsible for capturing him. Therefore it is the Armed Forces who are being called upon to clarify the situation.
Pedro Magdiel Muñoz Salvador was active in the creation of a bonfire on Friday afternoon, was possibly filmed by a policeman and, according to the versions told by the organizers, was filmed by a variety of demonstrators when he was supposedly arrested by the police.
According to other witnesses, the police had him under arrest until 6:30 a.m., Saturday July 25th, when he was released.
At 7:00 a.m., that is, 30 minutes after he was released, his dead body was found in a deserted field, 100 meters away from a police barrier, next to the wall of a coffee processor/bodega.
After the police removed the body in the presence of the prosecutor and the medical forensic examiner and two representatives from COFADEH, the medical examiner estimated that the time of death was 8-10 hours prior.
What does this say?
The body was removed at exactly 12 noon, Saturday.
Pedro Magdiel Muñoz Salvador died therefore, between 2 and 4 a.m. on Saturday.
If the versions of the witnesses coincide, in that the police released Mr. Pedro Magdiel Muñoz Salvador at 6:30 a.m. on Saturday morning, this means that Pedro Magdiel Muñoz Salvador's death occurred while he was in police custody.
El Heraldo, the Honduran newspaper that goes so far as to use Photoshop to erase the blood of Honduran victims in its photos in order to conceal the consequences of the coup d'etat, reported with record speed that at 12:22 p.m. - just 22 minutes after the removal of the body had begun from the eastern part of the country, while the process to determine the causes of Mr. Muñoz's death had not even finished - that the national police had nothing to do with his arrest, according to their spokesman, Javier Cerrato.
So who was it that arrested him then?
1. On Saturday afternoon a National Police Van, series "COE-16," TEG with the insignia "Servir y Proteger" (To Serve and Protect) filled with Cobra commando units, made a high speed incursion, pointed their weapons at the people and shot in the air while throwing tear gas canisters. Two people were run over by this vehicle which deviated ten meters before the wall of soldiers on the right side of another highway. There they turned around and returned but turned once again toward Las Manos, practically bowling over the wall of soldiers and police.
2. One policeman (photographed) was tasked with filming and registering the demonstrators. I asked the prosecutor after the body was taken if they could ask to review the contents of the video and identify the police who were doing this work, an important point in order for all of the elements in the investigation to be analyzed and thereby reach a hypothesis to close the murder case. The prosecutor said that anything that may resolve the case is possible, in other words including requisitioning the police video.
3. If Pedro Magdiel Muñoz Salvador appears in this video, something that is highly likely considering that he was very active in the "construction" of the bonfire and barricade, carrying, as one woman told us, tires and tree branches, tree trunks and vegetation (that made a lot of smoke), then who, apart from the soldiers, police and uniformed officers grouped behind, watching through binoculars, has knowledge of the contents of the video where, surely, the faces of the demonstrators active that Saturday can be seen?
4. The young brickmason, an activist with the National Resistance Front Against the Coup D'Etat, met a terrible death; victim of sadists who tortured him, surely over a long period, taking into account that he was arrested around 5 p.m. in the afternoon on Friday and died between 2 and 4 a.m. on Saturday morning.
5. In Honduras, which sectors of society historically or presently practice such cruelty and insensitivity?
*The following links are to the photographs of the lifeless victim. They are presented as material for the complaint.
Following photographs of the victim, included in the complaint, has been taken by Mirian Huezo Emanuelsson.
Fuente: Centro independiente de noticias, México, 29 de julio de 2009
Source : Independent News Center, Mexico, July 29, 2009
DE: As for the death of the young man, Pedro Magdiel, in El Paraíso on the 24th and 25th of July, now there's also a photo that came out in the La Tribuna newspaper the same day as the uprising, where a soldier can be seen dragging this boy who showed up dead the following day. How far has the investigation gone in this case?
AP: Yes, we have an investigation going in regard to Magdiel's case; he was the first to be taken by the police and it has the obvious characteristics of an extra-judicial murder. We know that in Danli, in el Paraiso, there are paramilitary groups who are working in coordination with the armed forces and the police there; we believe that this boy was delivered by the police to these groups who committed this barbaric crime. Today we also noted the death of another teacher who was stabbed in the same way as the killing at El Paraíso.
DE: Has there been another death?
AP: There's been another death, a teacher that supposedly left here at two in the morning, his name is Martín Flores Ribera Barrientos, he was killed in the Colonia Centroamérica neighborhood, he was going from here to his house and was stabbed in a taxi. This tells us that there's a well known model of aggressive conduct by the state.
Another strategy is that the Israelis are training a group to instill in people's minds the idea that those of us who are leaders in this movement have a terrorist past or that we're tied to the same structure as the police. That's what somebody told me yesterday who was trying to put up posters, sticking them on walls in order to create distrust in the part of the population that still lacks awareness about the leaders in this country. According to them, they want the people to think that way; it's a historic strategy in Latin America, and later they try to justify the death of certain leaders as a result of this contradiction.
DE: The reason all these people are here outside the COPEMH headquarters is that yesterday at 1 a.m., the 38 year old Roger Vallejo, a leader of this association, died as a result of a sniper's attack last Wednesday when the National Front Against the Coup D'Etat took the Tegucigalpa North Highway. What is known of that? Because it's already the second sniper-caused death. The first was at the airport on July 5 and now we have another death where a sniper supposedly shot this man.
AP: It's a premeditated killing with certain selective characteristics. They chose a teacher in order to affect one of the associations that presently makes up part of the resistance and has a lot of people tied to the resistance. Everything indicates that it was premeditated. The doctrine of the Rome Statute under which this may come to the International Criminal Court establishes that it's not necessary that the shooter's name be known - it is sufficient to know the name of the person who is directing the repressive policies against a large grouping of the civil population, with the intent to provoke a certain natural psychological reaction among the people. In that regard, well, no doubt, there will come a time when the premeditated act will be the object of a formal denunciation against the organizations who, certainly, in this country are tied to the repressive structures of the State. But that will allow us to prove to the prosecutor for the International Criminal Court that there is something happening here and that what's happening is State policy and that this State policy contributes to the generation of all the repressive acts we're presently experiencing.
DE: Could the selection of this gentleman [as a target] also have been an expression of the advice given by the Israelis?
AP: Yes, of course! It has much in common with the characteristics of the Colombian conflict where there is a confrontation with correlated forces that are somewhat similar to an armed conflict. Here in Honduras, the correlation of forces is not similar to those in Colombia, here there are civilians who are armed with a courageous conscience, truth, and the only type of self-defense exercised once in awhile is that of a stick or a stone. They also have their methods for intervening in situations like this, similar to what has happened in Gaza and and the Westbank.
DE: Speaking of Colombia, when Obama became president, a lot of people had hopes that the warmongering policies of the United States would radically change. But what we've seen is that the Fourth Fleet, re-activated in July of last year, continues to sail from Alaska in the north to Patagonia in the south. Five new military bases are to be built in Colombia, among them three on the border with Venezuela and one in Málaga Bay, on the Pacific coast, between Central America and Ecuador. There's no sign that this war policy is going to end. If Hillary Clinton had wanted to do something with the Micheletti government, why have only the visas of four officials in the Micheletti government been canceled, something cosmetic? Or how should this be interpreted?
AP: What Obama says reflects a reality, and what his closest collaborators at the business level or this group known as the hawks have, is another discourse and practice. We read this as Mr. Obama encountering a conflict similar to that faced by other leaders in Latin America; here one has to bear in mind that there could also have been a coup in Bolivia, in Ecuador, in Nicaragua and El Salvador. It also is worth considering that there could be a coup in the United States sooner or later; these are things that seem impossible to dream of, but they could actually happen.
On the other hand there's still another reading of the conflict and this reading could be that the advisers closest to Obama are selling the idea that this is an opportunity to change policy and retake influence as Latin America's policeman. Because when we asked him not simply to withdraw visas we were practically asking for intervention in Honduras, so that we'd have a military intervention similar to what went down in Haiti and it's possible that in this way, Obama's government would try to gain prestige for itself in a situation like this.
I'm sure that if the Marines were to intervene in Honduras, they'd be applauded by a whole bunch of people that aren't here, without dreaming that we are opening the door to future interventions in Latin America and bringing back the Latin American police.
These are all possible details. Of course if that's what Obama's thinking, he's not going to do it right away, it would be a couple of months from now so that elections in Honduras could take place, completely tying up any possibility that President Zelaya might succumb to the social pressure which is demanding the creation of a national constituent assembly.
Source: LATINAMERIKA I DAG / LATINOAMÉRICA DE HOY (Dick Emanuelsson's blog)-Comandos israelíes con experiencias de Palestina y Colombia capacitan a las FF.AA. de Honduras: Entrevista a René Andrés Pavón, Presidente del Comité de Derechos Humanos de Honduras, CODEH
Original article published on 3 August 2009
About the author
Machetera is a member of Tlaxcala, the network of translators for linguistic diversity and editir of the bloghttp://machetera.wordpress.com/. This translation may be reprinted as long as the content remains unaltered, and the source, author and translator are cited.
URL of this article on Tlaxcala: http://www.tlaxcala.es/pp.asp?reference=8345&lg=en
Original article published on 3 August 2009
About the author
Machetera is a member of Tlaxcala, the network of translators for linguistic diversity and editir of the bloghttp://machetera.wordpress.com/. This translation may be reprinted as long as the content remains unaltered, and the source, author and translator are cited.
URL of this article on Tlaxcala: http://www.tlaxcala.es/pp.asp?reference=8345&lg=en
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